Khaama Press (KP) | Afghan News Agency » Leaders & Politicians http://www.khaama.com The largest news and information source in Afghanistan Thu, 24 Apr 2014 09:17:14 +0000 en-US hourly 1 http://wordpress.org/?v=3.9 Ramazan Jumazada http://www.khaama.com/ramazan-jumazada http://www.khaama.com/ramazan-jumazada#comments Sat, 01 Jan 2011 05:35:09 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=1520 Ramazan Jumazada
Ramazan Jumazada was born in the Bamyan Province of Afghanistan in 1978. Accepted at the Medical Collage of Balkh University in 1995, he had to leave for Pakistan in 1995, when Mazar-i-Sharif City was occupied by the Taliban. In Pakistan, Ramazan Jumazada followed lessons in business and information technology. He also taught at the Aga Read the full article...]]>
Ramazan Jumazada

Ramazan Jumazada was born in the Bamyan Province of Afghanistan in 1978. Accepted at the Medical Collage of Balkh University in 1995, he had to leave for Pakistan in 1995, when Mazar-i-Sharif City was occupied by the Taliban.

In Pakistan, Ramazan Jumazada followed lessons in business and information technology. He also taught at the Aga Khan School and was an active member of the Regional Advisory Committee of the Aga Khan Education Program for Pakistan. Furthermore, Ramazan Jumazada served as the deputy of the Afghan Rehabilitation Program (ARP), which was affiliated to the Aga Khan Regional Council for Pakistan.

After the collapse of the Taliban Regime in 2001 he returned back to Afghanistan. From 2002 to 2005 he was appointed by His Highness the Aga Khan as member of the National Council for the Economic Portfolio in Afghanistan. From 2007 to 2010 he served as Board Member of the Focus Humanitarian Assistance for Afghanistan, an affiliate of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN).

In 2005, Ramazan Jumazada joined the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) – an affiliate of the US Chamber of Commerce – as Program Manager and then Program Director.

After joining Chemonics, an international development company, as trade specialist in 2008, he started his own business as foodstuff supply chain to big supermarkets and international organizations.

In 2010 Ramazan Jumazada ran for parliamentary elections as a candidate from the Kabul Province and he has been Member of the National Assembly of Afghanistan (Wolesi Jirga) since then

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Burhanuddin Rabbani http://www.khaama.com/burhanuddin-rabbani http://www.khaama.com/burhanuddin-rabbani#comments Mon, 27 Sep 2010 10:45:59 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=878 Burhanuddin Rabbani
Burhanuddin Rabbani (Persian: برهان الدين رباني – Burhânuddîn Rabbânî) (b. 1940), is a former President of Afghanistan.[1] Burhanuddin Rabbani is the leader of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Society of Afghanistan). He also served as the political head of the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UIFSA), an alliance of various political groups who Read the full article...]]>
Burhanuddin Rabbani

Burhanuddin Rabbani

Burhanuddin Rabbani (Persian: برهان الدين رباني – Burhânuddîn Rabbânî) (b. 1940), is a former President of Afghanistan.[1] Burhanuddin Rabbani is the leader of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan (Islamic Society of Afghanistan). He also served as the political head of the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UIFSA), an alliance of various political groups who fought against Taliban rule in Afghanistan. He served as President from 1992-1996 until he was forced to leave Kabul because of the Taliban takeover of the city. His government was recognized by many countries, as well as the United Nations. He is currently the head of Afghanistan National Front (known in the media as United National Front), the largest political opposition to Hamid Karzai‘s government.

Early years

Rabbani, son of Muhammed Yousuf, was born in 1940 in Badakhshan, northern Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Tajik. After finishing school in his native province, he went to Darul-uloom-e-Sharia (Abu-Hanifa), a religious school in Kabul. When he graduated from Abu-Hanifa, he went to Kabul University to study Islamic Law and Theology. During his four years at Kabul University he became well known for his works on Islam. Soon after his graduation in 1963, he was hired as a professor at Kabul University. In order to enhance himself, Rabbani went to Egypt in 1966, and he entered the Al-Azhar University in Cairo where he developed close ties to the Muslim Brotherhood leadership.[2] In two years, he received his masters degree in Islamic Philosophy. Rabbani was one of the first Afghans to translate the works of Sayyid Qutb into Dari.[2]

Jamiat-e Islami

Rabbani returned to Afghanistan in 1968, where the High Council of Jamiat-e Islami gave him the duty of organizing the University students. Due to his knowledge, reputation, and active support for the cause of Islam, in 1972, a 15-member council selected him as head of Jamiat-e Islami of Afghanistan; the founder of Jamiat-e Islami of Afghanistan, Ghulam M. Niyazi was also present. Jamiat-e Islami was primarily composed of Tajiks and Uzbeks.[3]

In the spring of 1974, the police came to Kabul University to arrest Rabbani for his pro-Islamic stance, but with the help of his students the police were unable to capture him, and he managed to escape to the countryside.

When the Soviets supported the 1979 coup, Rabbani helped lead Jamiat-e Islami in resistance to the PDPA regime. Rabbani’s forces were the first mujahideen elements to enter Kabul in 1992 when the PDPA government fell from power.

See also

References

  1. ^ “Rabbani’s Afghan comeback”. BBC News. 2001-11-14. . Retrieved 2009-09-10.
  2. ^ a b Burke, Jason (2004). Al-Qaeda: The True Story Of Radical Islam. I. B. Tauris. pp. 66–67.
  3. ^ Rogers, Tom (1992). The Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan: Analysis and Chronology. Greenwood Press. pp. 27.

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Source: BBC

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Dr. Abdullah Abdullah http://www.khaama.com/dr-abdullah-abdullah http://www.khaama.com/dr-abdullah-abdullah#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 05:19:50 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=489 Dr. Abdullah Abdullah
Dr. Abdullah in his own words In the name of God, most Gracious, most Compassionate, Fifty years ago I was born in the second district of Karte Parwan in Kabul in the same house where I reside today. Both of my parents were born in Kabul, but my father’s family comes from Kandahar and my Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Abdullah Abdullah

Dr. Abdullah in his own words

In the name of God, most Gracious, most Compassionate,

Fifty years ago I was born in the second district of Karte Parwan in Kabul in the same house where I reside today. Both of my parents were born in Kabul, but my father’s family comes from Kandahar and my mother’s from the Panjshir Valley. I have seven sisters and one brother.

When I was two years old, my father, a high-profile civil servant, was transferred to Kandahar. I started elementary education in Kandahar. When my father was transferred back to Kabul, I finished my elementary schooling in Karte Parwan. I completed my intermediate and high school education at the prestigious Naderia High School. After taking the college admission test I was accepted into the Kabul Medical University.

I come from a family in which education is most valued. My parents did everything that they could in support of me pursuing my higher education. My late father served Afghanistan for more than forty years, ranging from various administrative capacities to serving in the last Senate, during the period of King Zahir Shah. He retired in 1972 after the coup d’état staged by President Daoud.

My father was well known for his honesty and dedication in serving his country. Throughout my life, I’ve always followed his example.

From college until migration

I lived in Kabul for all seven years of my medical education. My initial interest for higher education was for the study of Dari literature, however with the encouragement of my family and friends I chose to study medicine. Enthusiastically, I completed my degree. During high school and college, when I wasn’t devoting my time to my studies, I had a special interest in sports. I preferred basketball and ping-pong, but would partake in other sports at times whenever possible.

It was during my college years that the April 1978 coup d’état took place and the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. At first, I was not a member or affiliated to any political party. My only political involvement was participating in student rallies or demonstrations. Gradually, however, I began to spend a lot of time thinking about what was happening to my country under Soviet occupation. I was one among three hundred twenty medical students attending college, but by the time we graduated, because of the stresses of the political and military situation, there were only one hundred sixty five of us left. Among those who did not graduate, some were killed, many fled the country, and others chose to join the Freedom Fighters.

Sometimes I would consult with my friends and classmates as to whether we should continue our education or join the Freedom Fighter Front. Some of my friends had no choice but to flee the country, however I continued on with my education and finally graduated in 1983. After graduation I spent a few months working at the Noor Hospital completing my post graduate training. I completed my post graduate training in surgery and subsequently chose ophthalmology as my field of practice. After a few months of working at the Noor Hospital, I decided to leave Afghanistan and migrated to Pakistan. My family remained in Kabul. In Pakistan I worked in an eye hospital for more than a year, primarily serving the Afghan refugees

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Dr. Ramazan Bashardost http://www.khaama.com/dr-ramazan-bashardost http://www.khaama.com/dr-ramazan-bashardost#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 09:31:51 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=271 Dr. Ramazan Bashardost
Dr. Ramazan Bashardost is Afghanistan’s former Planning Minister, current Member of Parliament and an Independent Candidate in the upcoming Presidential Elections. Early years Ramzan Bashardost was born in 1965 in Qarabagh District, Ghazni Province of Afghanistan in a family of Government employees. He completed his primary and intermediate education in Qarabagh and later in Maimana, Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Ramazan Bashardost

Dr. Ramazan Bashardoost

Dr. Ramazan Bashardost is Afghanistan’s former Planning Minister, current Member of Parliament and an Independent Candidate in the upcoming Presidential Elections.

Early years

Ramzan Bashardost was born in 1965 in Qarabagh District, Ghazni Province of Afghanistan in a family of Government employees. He completed his primary and intermediate education in Qarabagh and later in Maimana, capital of Fariyab in northern Afghanistan. Months after the 1978 coup d’etat, Bashardost left Afghanistan for Iran. He finished high school in Iran and then immigrated to Pakistan.

In 1983, he left Pakistan for France where he spent over 20 years, earning degrees in law and political science. In 1989 he enrolled at Garonable University where he did his Masters in Law. In 1990, he did his Masters in Diplomacy from Paris University. In 1992, he did his Masters in Political Science. In 1995, Bashardost received his Ph.D in Law from France’s Tolos University. He wrote his thesis on the UN’s role against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

Recent years

After years in exile, Bashardost returned to Afghanistan in 2002 to work in the UN Department of Afghanistan’s Foreign Affairs Ministry. In 2003, he was appointed as Director of European and Western Political Affiars Department in Foreign Affairs Ministry.

In 2004 Bashardost published his book Basic Political, Military and Diplomatic Laws of Afghanistan- From the era of Ahmad Shah Baba (1225 Hejri) to current years, in which he presented his analysis of the history of laws in Afghanistan. The book won an award at the Academy of Political Sciences of France, the first award won by an independent Afghan scientist and Scholar.

Dr. Bashardost has no affiliations with any tribal, military or political party. He is in an independent scholar and Political activist, well known for his support and defense of Human rights. He is well known as a prominent voice against the corrupt Afghan authorities of the past three decades, and a bold reformer and critic of the government.

In 2004/05 he briefly served as Afghanistan’s Planning Minister. He was critical of the role played by NGO’s and claimed that majority of them were a source of Afghanistan money drain. He particularly highlighted the hefty amounts paid to the NGO employees and ministers as compared to the average income of less than a dollar average national income. Controversy surrounded his stance and he had to resign under government and foreign pressure. However, his outspoke criticism of the government, his firm stance against corruption and for public welfare won him widespread support.

In 2006 he was elected as Kabul’s representative in Parliamentary Elections. He won the third highest number of votes, which spanned across ethnic and linguistic groups.

Presidential Nominee

In April 2005, he announced his intention to stand as a candidate in Afghanistan’s upcoming 2009 elections. He claims to be the clear winner unless the election is rigged.

Author

Basic Political, Military and Diplomatic Laws of Afghanistan, written and published in 2004.

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Farkhunda Zahra Naderi http://www.khaama.com/afghab-mp-farkhunda-zahra-naderi-156462215 http://www.khaama.com/afghab-mp-farkhunda-zahra-naderi-156462215#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 08:31:23 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=259 Farkhunda Zahra Naderi
Farkhunda Zahra Naderi was born in 19th April 1981 in a spiritual family in Afghanistan. She commenced her primary and secondary education in Kabul and Baghlan provinces, and completed her baccalaureate in 2001 in Harrow female High School, UK. Thereafter, Ms. Naderi entered A Level in College in England and completed her studies in Tashkent. Read the full article...]]>
Farkhunda Zahra Naderi

Farkhunda Zahra Naderi was born in 19th April 1981 in a spiritual family in Afghanistan. She commenced her primary and secondary education in Kabul and Baghlan provinces, and completed her baccalaureate in 2001 in Harrow female High School, UK.
Thereafter, Ms. Naderi entered A Level in College in England and completed her studies in Tashkent. In 2004, Ms. Naderi joined the Law Faculty at the Westminster International University in Tashkent and from 2004 to 2005 she was the representative to the faculty.  In 2007, Ms. Naderi graduated Bachelor of Arts in Legal Studies from the mentioned University. In 2008 she was a scholar to the International Conference of Munster University International Model of United Nations (MUIMUN) in which she achieved an outstanding participation award in International Court of Justice.

Work Experience
Ms. Naderi volunteered as an English translator at the Women’s Wellness Center in Tashkent focused on Afghan Women. After completion of her higher education, she returned to her home country Afghanistan and worked in various political, social and cultural activities :

Political Activity

Ms.Farkhunda Zahra Naderi is Member of Afghanistan Parliament-Lower House- Representing Kabul Province from  Late 2010 – present
3rd March 2011- June 2nd 2012 - Member of Commission on Women’s Affairs, Human rights and civil Society
March 26th 2013 - Won Membership of Democracy and Human Rights committee of IPU – Inter Parliamentarian Union

Only Female participants in Chantilly conferences on Peace:

She participated in three consecutive Chanilly Conferences organised by Foundation for the Strategic Research

the conferences were hold in following dates:

November 29th- 2nd Dec 2011: Paris Peace Chantilly Conference: Foundation for Strategic Research

June 20th – 24th 2012: Paris Peace Chantilly Conference: Foundation for Strategic Research,

December 10th- 11th 2012: Paris Peace Chantilly Conference: Foundation for Strategic Research

Ms. Naderi joined the Hzbi Paiwandi Meli Afghanistan’s Political Party (HPMA) in order to encourage women’s participation in politics and to corporate with youths.  In 2007, the Central Council of the party appointed Ms. Naderi as the Head of Women’s Committee &Youth Association. From that time, Ms. Naderi was succeeded to develop the following:
1) Organizational structure for Economical, Cultural, Disciplinary and Sport Committees;
2) Weekly Publication of HAPMA Youth Association,
3) Educational Centre; Hapma Knowledge House,
4) Scholarship for youth Higher Education;
5) Sports Club and music teams;

Ms. Naderi continues to encourage the Association towards self-sufficiency for small community projects such as producing documented DVDs, historical posters and informative publications etc.

Social and Cultural Activity
Ms. Naderi began her social and cultural endeavors at Westminster University by opening a Persian/Dari language Club. After returning to Afghanistan, Ms. Naderi took responsibility for the reconstruction of the Hakim Nasir Khusrow Balkhi Cultural Center and Public Library (HNKB) which was founded by her Father, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi.
Until the inauguration of HNKB,  Ms. Naderi worked on small cultural projects to mobilize the newly renovated Cultural Centre. Ms. Naderi has organized many activities at the new facility including:

  • Poetry Night ceremonies in honor of the New Year (Nowroz);
  • A classical theater performance, “Hujat Khurasan”, directed by Ustad Abdul Qaiyom Bessed the “Father of Afghan Theater;
  • Building a relation between HNKB and Universal Peace Federation (UPF) by organizing a Cleaning Campaign and peace Seminars in different districts in Kabul. In view of her community leadership, Ms. Naderi was awarded by UFP, the title of Peace Ambassador along with132 community participants.

Ms. Naderi participated in other honorary activities and recently has been instrumental in the establishment of Matab Healthcare Center in Taimani where she holds the post of President.  Ms. Naderi is enthusiastic to bring a high quality of international standard health services to the community and is planning to encourage free service for eligible needy people at the Center.

N-Peace Award Winner

The international peace Network introduced peace award 2012 among 100 top peace builder figures from 6 south Asian countries in July 2012. Farkhunda Zahra Naderi, been nominated by UNDP for N-Peace Award, won the award on the behalf of Afghanistan.

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Hamid Karzai http://www.khaama.com/hamid-karzai http://www.khaama.com/hamid-karzai#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 08:23:01 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=255 Hamid Karzai
President of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Political leader, President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Born December 24, 1957 in Karz, Afghanistan to a distinguished family. Educated in Afghanistan and India and rose through the political ranks during the turbulent Soviet occupation to become president of the country after the fall of the Taliban. After Read the full article...]]>
Hamid Karzai

President of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

Political leader, President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Born December 24, 1957 in Karz, Afghanistan to a distinguished family. Educated in Afghanistan and India and rose through the political ranks during the turbulent Soviet occupation to become president of the country after the fall of the Taliban. After a fraud-ridden election in 2009, he was reelected when his opponent withdrew from the run-off election.

Hamid Karzai was born in the small village of Karz, located on the edge of Kandahar City in southwest Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun of the Popalzai tribe and has six brothers and one sister. His grandfather, Khair Mohammad Khan, served in the 1919 war for independence and was deputy speaker of the Afghanistan Senate. Karzai’s father, Abdul Ahad Karzai, was a popular tribal elder and political figure who served as deputy speaker of the Afghan Parliament.

Hamid Karzai was educated in Kabul, graduating from high school in 1976. He then traveled to India as an exchange student and attended Himachal Pradesh University. He is well versed in several languages, including his native Peshto, Persian, Hindi, French and English. In 1980, when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, Karzai traveled to Pakistan to work as a fund-raiser supporting the anti-Soviet Mujahedeen fighters’ insurgency. During this time, the Mujahedeen were secretly supplied by the United States and Hamid Karzai was a contractor for the CIA.

After the Soviets pulled out of Afghanistan in 1989, Hamid Karzai served as deputy foreign minister in the Mujahedeen transitional government. When civil war broke out between various Mujahedeen groups in 1994, Karzai resigned and helped organize a grand council to resolve differences between the rival groups. One of the political groups Karzai initially supported was the Taliban, seen by many to be a welcome alternative to the corruption, brutality, and incessant fighting of the Mujahedeen warlords. The Taliban offered Karzai the post of UN ambassador, but he declined to serve after discovering the group had fallen under the influence of foreign terrorists.

Hamid Karzai moved to Quette, Pakistan, and worked to undermine Taliban control and reinstate the former Afghan king Zahir Shah. In 1999, Karzai married Zeenat Quraishi, a doctor who was providing medical attention to Afghan refugees living in Pakistan. She too was raised in the city of Kandahar, is Pashtun and a member of the Quraish tribe. She rarely ventures beyond the security zone of the presidential palace. In 2007, the couple gave birth to a son, Mirwais Karzai.

On the morning of July 14, 1999, Karzai’s father was gunned down while returning from a mosque in Quetta. It was presumed that Taliban forces carried out the assassination. Hamid Karzai was selected to succeed his father as Khan of the half-million Popalzais. Defying both Pakistan and Taliban authorities, Karzai led a convoy of tribal mourners carrying his father’s body home for burial in Kandahar, even though it was under Taliban control. This act made him one of the most visible leaders of Pashtun resistance against the Taliban.

By early 2001, Hamid Karzai was working closely with Ahmad Shah Massoud, the military commander of the Northern Alliance, a group composed of former Afghan tribal rivals organized to fight the Taliban. Several times that year, Massoud and Karzai warned the United States that the Taliban were connected with al Qaeda and that there was a plot for an imminent attack on the United States, but their warnings went unheeded. On September 9, 2001, two days before the 9/11 attacks in America, Massoud was assassinated by al Qaeda agents in a suicide bombing.

After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001, Mujahedeen forces loyal to the Northern Alliance worked with the U.S. military and CIA operatives to overthrow the Taliban government. Hamid Karzai left Quetta, Pakistan and slipped into Afghanistan, but was mistakenly injured by a U.S. “friendly fireì missile attack. On November 4, American forces flew him out of Afghanistan for medical attention to the wounds he sustained to his face and body.

After the fall of the Taliban, Hamid Karzai’s political status began to rise. In December 2001, four factions representing the major Afghan ethnic groups met with U.S. political leaders in Bonn, Germany to establish the Bonn Agreement. The ethnic groups decided to set aside old and bitter rivalries and form an interim government. Karzai was selected to serve a six-month term as Chair of the Transitional Administration. During the 2002 Loya Jirga (a traditional Pashtun political meeting held to select a leader) a new constitution was approved creating a presidential government and Karzai was selected to serve as interim president during the two-year transition. Then after the 2004 election, Hamid Karzai became president of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan winning 21 of the 24 provinces or 55 percent of the vote. Many saw this event as a new start for the troubled country.

Hamid Karzai faced many challenges in his first term as president. Afghanistan is a historically poor country that has seen very little advancement in the past century. Landlocked, it has experienced hostile relations with its surrounding neighbors. Much of the population engages in subsistence farming and adheres to ancient tribal traditions. Soon after his election, it became apparent that Karzai had limited control of his country. Often called the “mayor of Kabulì Karzai has little political influence beyond the capital city’s boundaries. Historically, the rural areas have been controlled by local leaders and tribal warlords. To his credit and with varying degrees of success, Karzai has been able to negotiate alliances with some of them and purge many former warlords from the administration’s cabinet. Since the 2004 election, the Afghan economy has grown rapidly. Government revenue has increased every year, though the nation is still heavily dependent on foreign aid.

After the U.S. government diverted its military resources from Afghanistan to Iraq in 2003, a resurgent Taliban emerged. Karzai pleaded with U.S. officials to increase resources and not endanger the civilian population in their pursuit of Taliban fighters. But reaction has been slow or incomplete with most Americans and much of the world engrossed in other matters. In what seemed an act of desperation, Karzai offered official pardons to all militants who would lay down their weapons and join in the nation’s rebuilding. He has made clear his distinction between Taliban members who are welcome in the process and foreign fighters who are not. Karzai has been criticized for the slow progress of his nation. The Afghan government is said to be so riddled with corruption that for many Afghan people, the Taliban offer a better alternative.

On August 20, 2009, the second Afghan presidential election was held. Flawed by a lack of security, low voter turnout, and alleged widespread ballot stuffing, Hamid Karzai received just a little over 50 percent of the vote. A UN commission monitoring the election determined that many of the votes for Karzai were fraudulent, reducing his numbers and forcing a run-off election with his chief rival, Foreign Minister Abdulla Abdulla. The run-off election was scheduled for November 7, 2009, but in a not-so-surprising move Abdulla Abdulla announced his withdrawal from the run-off election citing continued corruption and fraud in the voting process. Subsequently, Karzai was declared the winner.

On December 1, 2009, U.S. President Barack Obama announced a military surge of 30,000 additional U.S. troops be sent to Afghanistan to constrict the influence of the Taliban insurgency and debilitate al Qaeda’s influence in the region. In his announcement, the president put pressure on Hamid Karzai to clean up the corruption in his government and help build a more affective Afghan army and police force that can play a greater role in protecting and building their nation.

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Source: www.biography.com

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Fawzia Koofi http://www.khaama.com/fawzia-kofi http://www.khaama.com/fawzia-kofi#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 03:52:15 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=787 Fawzia Koofi
  Fawzia Koofi Fawzia has made her leadership journey in a country of harsh topography, internal conflict, intermittent wars and a militant government. She completed high school during the war ravaged years and entered a competitive medical school. But soon after the Taliban took over in September 1995, and barred women from access to all Read the full article...]]>
Fawzia Koofi

 

Fawzia Koofi

Fawzia has made her leadership journey in a country of harsh topography, internal conflict, intermittent wars and a militant government. She completed high school during the war ravaged years and entered a competitive medical school. But soon after the Taliban took over in September 1995, and barred women from access to all education! Finding the doors of a university education closed to her, Fawzia focused her energy towards women’s right organizations, and worked closely with one of the most vulnerable group such as Internally Displaced People (IDP), and marginalized women and children. After the fall of the Taliban, she continued law faculty night shift while still working with UNICEF, though her wish was to become a doctor and treat human being which are in dispread need of medical assistance due to war and its consequences , particularly women, her country has highest number of maternal mortality in the world, out of a hundred thousand life birth six thousand five hundred woman die due to lack of access to medical facilities and female doctors, but because of faculty duration which is seven years and that medical faculty had no night shifted , she shifted to law and acquired a law degree and later pursued a Masters in Business and Management from Preston University.

Since 2001, women could participate in all aspects of life particularly in the public sphere. Fawzia’s political family background and orientation to public service propelled her to take hold of these new opportunities that were paving the road for many women. She decided to run for a seat in parliament from the Badakshan province, a northeastern province. Her campaign was a success and she was elected Member of Parliament from that province in September 2005, Afghan parliament is assigned with three main responsibilities according Afghan constitution, people representation, law making, and oversight of the executive branch.

In 2005, right after the first elected parliament after 33 years, Fawzia was elected as the first woman Second Deputy Speaker of Parliament in the history of Afghanistan.

Fawzia main focus area has been human rights, especially women’s and child rights.  Afghanistan also suffers from rampant corruption and she has been advocating for integrity, accountability and upholding the rule of law .With all the challenges, the fact she managed to make her presence felt in parliament, by participating in debates, initiating legislation and suggesting resolutions to address insecurity, rule of law and other challenges that her government is faced with it, is a giant leap for women in Afghanistan. Some of the key women’s initiatives that she has championed include the improvement of women’s living conditions in Afghan prisons, by approving resolutions, with her efforts a commission to work on the issue of violence against children is established, the commission is chaired by Afghanistan first vice president, is tasked to draw a short term and long term strategy to address violence against children especially sexual abuse of children which is increasing recently in Afghanistan.  She also advocates for amendment of laws that suggests savior punishment for perpetrators of child sexual abuse. She has worked with other human rights activist on the shia personal status law, with her support women were mobilized for advocating and asking their rights through putting pressure on the government to amend this law which puts women on more discriminative environment, with lots of pressure and lobbying finally government has brought amendments to this law. She promoted women and girls education, by advocating for access to good schools, as well as creating opportunities for non formal education for out of school children in her constituents, Badakhshan province.

As a young woman in a heavily traditional country, to come this far, Fawzia has battled male domination, imposition of men’s selective religious interpretation on the rights of women and issues of power between men and women, and the old and new generations. Young people are seen as a threat by traditional power holders who do want the new generation to organize and be in a position to challenge traditional authority.

The current parliament term finishes 2010,  in ten years time, Fawzia wants to see more women take leadership of Afghanistan, and even become president and or prime minister. Her message to world young leaders is to never give up, as things will change one day through continuous effort.

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Shukria Barakzai http://www.khaama.com/shukria-barakzai http://www.khaama.com/shukria-barakzai#comments Sun, 26 Sep 2010 08:20:09 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=493 Shukria Barakzai
Shukria Barakzai is an Afghan politician, journalist and entrepreneur, and a prominent Muslim feminist. Early life She was born in 1972 in Kabul, Afghanistan. “Barakzai” is a common name among the Pashtun, one of the country’s main ethnic groups, and was shared by its rulers from the 1830s until the overthrow of the last king, Read the full article...]]>
Shukria Barakzai

Shukria Barakzai

Shukria Barakzai is an Afghan politician, journalist and entrepreneur, and a prominent Muslim feminist.

Early life

She was born in 1972 in Kabul, Afghanistan. “Barakzai” is a common name among the Pashtun, one of the country’s main ethnic groups, and was shared by its rulers from the 1830s until the overthrow of the last king, the year she was born. In her childhood, Kabul had nightclubs, and she remembers her mother being able to walk the streets of the capital wearing a miniskirt. She speaks both of Afghanistan’s official languages, Pashto and Dari, as well as English.

Barakzai went to Kabul University in the 1990s. Half way through a degree, she had to break off her studies because of mounting violence between the government and the Mujahideen. In September 1996 the Taliban captured Kabul. By then, many citizens, especially the educated middle classes, had left for a life in exile, but she stayed in the city of her birth. In 1999, she felt ill and went to see a doctor; the religious police caught her on the street without her husband and beat her for what they saw as a crime (see Taliban treatment of women). Barakzai felt that she had to resist in some way, so set up an underground school in her home. She resumed her education right after the Taliban were driven out of Kabul in late 2001 following the American-led invasion, and gained a degree in archaeology and geology.

Campaigning journalism

In 2002 Barakzai founded Aina-E-Zan (Women’s Mirror), a national weekly newspaper. Her mission was to “improve the understanding and knowledge of Afghan women in society” (see Civic Journalism and Advocacy journalism). She began the publication without any resources, lacking even a computer and access to a printing press, hoping to encourage women to fight for their own rights, and to build a strong democracy and civil society.

She campaigns on issues such as maternal and infant mortality, areas in which Afghanistan has great difficulty. (The World Health Organization (WHO) calculated that Afghanistan in 2003 had the world’s highest proportion of women dying in childbirth (Maternal Mortality Ratio) at 1900 per 100 000 live births.) Barakzai states, “Child marriage, forced marriage, and violence against women are still common and accepted practices.” She focuses on large issues, saying, “in my opinion the burka is not that important. What is important is education, democracy and freedom.” She stresses unity among women as well as the role that men have to play.

Barakzai credits technology such as mobile phones, banned under the Taliban regime, with helping young Afghans integrate with the modern world. For example, using text messaging to vote for a participant in a television talent show contest demonstrates how democratic voting can work. She also uses her position to point out the lack of freedom of the press and the risks to journalists. (Reporters Without Borders ranks Afghanistan 156 out of 173 in its list of press freedom, and says the situation is especially difficult for women and those working in the provinces.)

Move into politics

Barakzai was appointed a member of the 2003 loya jirga, a body of representatives from all over Afghanistan that was nominated to discuss and pass the new constitution after the fall of the Taliban. In the October 2004 elections she was elected as a member of the House of the People or Wolesi Jirga, the lower house of the National Assembly of Afghanistan. She is one of 71 women out of 249 MPs.

She is one of only a handful of female MPs who speak up for women’s rights, and faces death threats for her views. Her criticisms of the legislature are wide-ranging: “Our parliament is a collection of lords. Warlords, drug lords, crime lords.” She defended Malalai Joya, another female MP who has condemned warlordism, who faced abuse and threats of violence in parliament: “I was I think the only one which is I just announced that some MPs were threatening to rape her. [...] That’s why after this, they kept quiet.”

Views

While expressing gratitude for “the support of the international community” in creating the conditions by 2004 in which hundreds of publications and dozens of radio stations could flourish, Barakzai condemns “the support of armed groups and outlaws, a key part of U.S. policy”. Although most of her life has been spent in Kabul, she acknowledges that the capital does not truly represent the country, and refuses to blame the Taliban for all the difficulties that Afghanis face: “When we talk about Afghanistan, we should discuss conditions in the entire country. In many provinces and villages, which are in very bad condition, there is no difference between the period before the Taliban regime, the time of the Taliban, and now.” She opposes U.S. President Barack Obama‘s troop build-up plan, asking for “30,000 scholars or engineers” instead of that many soldiers. She intends to stand for President of Afghanistan in 2014[, as by then she will be over 40, as the constitution requires.

Marriage and family

Barkzai is married to Abdul Ghafoor Dawi, a millionaire who stood unsuccessfully for Parliament at the same time as her. In 2004, 12 years after they were wed, he took a second wife, as is his right under Muslim marriage law. He did this without telling Barakzai, who learned of it through friends, and she admits to feeling “disturbed and hurt” and “a victim of tradition” because of his decision. She has turned her attention to campaigning against multiple marriages, trying to persuade women not to become a man’s second wife She and her husband have three daughters.

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Source: Wikipedia

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Dr. Suraya Dalil http://www.khaama.com/dr-suraya-dalil http://www.khaama.com/dr-suraya-dalil#comments Sat, 25 Sep 2010 05:55:49 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=1436 Dr. Suraya Dalil
Dr. Suraya Dalil, Actining Minister of Afghanistan Public Health Suraya Dalil was born 1970 in Kabul and went to medical school in Afghanistan in the late 1980s Ms. Dalil’s family remained in Kabul until she graduated from medical school in 1991. 1992, just months after she graduated from the Kabul Medical Institute the Najibullah regime Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Suraya Dalil

Dr. Suraya Dalil, Actining Minister of Afghanistan Public Health

Suraya Dalil was born 1970 in Kabul and went to medical school in Afghanistan in the late 1980s Ms. Dalil’s family remained in Kabul until she graduated from medical school in 1991. 1992, just months after she graduated from the Kabul Medical Institute the Najibullah regime fell and the Muhajedin took over. Dalil moved more than 150 miles north with her parents, two sisters, and two brothers to Mazar-e-Sharif.

Dr Suraya Dalil was officially introduced as Deputy Minister for Policy and Planning and Acting Minister of MoPH. The ceremony convened in this regard at MoPH was attended by Prof. Nematullah Shahrani, Dr Najibullah Mujadadi and Dr Faizullah Kakar Advisors to the President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Members of Parliament, High Ranking Governmental Officials, Representatives from International Community and UN Agencies, MoPH stakeholders and scores of health professionals.

Talking to the gathering Dr Nadira Hayat Burhani Deputy Minister for the Provision of Health Care Services of MoPH, felicitated the appointment of Dr Dalil on her new job as Deputy Minister for Policy and Planning and Acting Minister for the Ministry of Public Health. She has also mentioned the achievements accomplished during last five years under the leadership of Dr. SMA Fatimie the former Minister of Public Health. Dr Hayat added that Ministry of Public Health has succeeded to raise a large amount of fund from donor community from 2004 to 2009 to support Health & Nutrition Sector in Afghanistan with the focus on the most vulnerable groups of people women and children.

She mentioned that with the diligent efforts by MoPH, and generous support from our donor and partners, it has become possible to reduce Under 5 Mortality Rate by around 38%. Taking the progress in the proxy indicators for Maternal Health we hypothesized there would be around 30 to 40 percent cutback in Maternal Mortality. However, maternal and child health indicators are still daunting in Afghanistan and there is a long way to go.

Later on, Professor Nematullah Shahrani Advisor to President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan appreciated the efforts made by Dr SMA Fatimie former Minister of Public Health. He added: I am introducing Dr Suraya Dalil as Deputy Minister for Policy and Planning and Acting Minister of MoPH and wish her success and prosperity in her new job.

Then, Prof. Shahrani said that the present leadership of Ministry of Public Health is urged to keep all their efforts up in order to contribute to the improvement of health status of people of Afghanistan with focus on mothers and children.

Dr Suraya Dalil admired the efforts made by her colleagues in the Ministry of Public Health and emphasized that she will spare no efforts to improve the health status of Afghan people in future. She mentioned that balanced development, program oriented and objective oriented actions, health system strengthening, effective coordination between central and provincial level, provision of equitable services especially for the most vulnerable groups as well as team work would be her priorities. She put much more emphasis on accountability and transparency especially in procurement procedures and processes.

In the end of the session Dr Najibullah Mujadadi and Dr Faizullah Kakar Advisors to the President of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan expressed their kindest regards to Dr Suraya Dalil and wish her success in her new job.

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Ali Ahmad Jalali http://www.khaama.com/ali-ahmad-jalali http://www.khaama.com/ali-ahmad-jalali#comments Sat, 25 Sep 2010 09:53:37 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=375 Ali Ahmad Jalali
Ali Ahmad Jalali (born 1940) is an Afghan American and a Distinguished Professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies of the National Defense University, which is located in Washington, D.C. He is also the former Interior Minister of Afghanistan, who served from January 2003 to September 2005. Early history Jalali, an Read the full article...]]>
Ali Ahmad Jalali

Ali Ahmad Jalali

Ali Ahmad Jalali (born 1940) is an Afghan American and a Distinguished Professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies of the National Defense University, which is located in Washington, D.C. He is also the former Interior Minister of Afghanistan, who served from January 2003 to September 2005.

Early history

Jalali, an ethnic pashtun, was born in Afghanistan in 1940. He has been involved in politics and media for most of his life. He previously served with the Voice of America for over 20 years covering Afghanistan, South and Central Asia, and the Middle East, including assignments as Director of the Afghan Radio Network Project and chief of the Pashto and Persian services.

Military career and politics

He is a former colonel in the Afghan National Army and was a top military planner with the Afghan resistance following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. He attended higher command and staff colleges in Afghanistan, the United States, Britain, and Russia, and has lectured widely.

A U.S. citizen since 1987, Jalali left his job as a broadcaster for VOA to become the Interior Minister of Afghanistan. Jalali replaced Taj Mohammad Wardak in January 2003.[1] Prior to joining the Afghan government, Jalali lived with his family in suburban Maryland. His family remains there. He has a son, 36, and a daughter, 31.

He has written extensively about the military of Afghanistan for scholarly journals and the mass media, in addition to reporting on Afghanistan and Central Asia for VOA for almost two decades.

Jalali is the author of several books, including a three-volume military history of Afghanistan. His most recent book, The Other Side of the Mountain (2002), co-authored with Lester Grau, is an analytical review of the Mujahedin war with the Soviet forces in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989.

Jalali wrote an influential critique in the spring of 2002 of the U.S. military role in Afghanistan, arguing that the way the United States used local chieftains in the War on Terrorism “enhanced the power of the warlords and encouraged them to defy the central authorities.” He later softened his criticism but pointed out that local militias still play a significant role in working with the U.S. military.

In January 2009 an article by Ahmad Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Jalali on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan Presidential election.[2] But according to Chapter Three, Article Sixty Two of Afghanistan Constitution an Afghanistan citizen shall be the president of Afghanistan. Since Afghanistan has not signed any dual citizenship accords, it would have been necessary for him to renounce his American citizenship and gain Afghan citizenship before seeking the office.[3] Jalali did not complete these steps, and was not listed on the ballot in August 2009.

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Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar http://www.khaama.com/dr-husn-banu-ghazanfar http://www.khaama.com/dr-husn-banu-ghazanfar#comments Sat, 25 Sep 2010 05:07:44 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=1022 Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar
Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar daughter of Abdul Ghafar was born in Balkh on 1st February 1957 (Dalwa 1336 of the local calendar) she graduated from Sultan Razia High School in Mazar-e-sharif and obtained her BA and Master’s degree on Literature and Sociology from Stawarpool Qafqaaz in 1362 (of the local calendar). Right after she obtained Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar

Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar

Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar daughter of Abdul Ghafar was born in Balkh on 1st February 1957 (Dalwa 1336 of the local calendar) she graduated from Sultan Razia High School in Mazar-e-sharif and obtained her BA and Master’s degree on Literature and Sociology from Stawarpool Qafqaaz in 1362 (of the local calendar). Right after she obtained her Master’s degree she became the scientific cadre of the Literature Faculty of Kabul University. After two years of service as a lecturer in the literature faculty of Kabul University, she went to Petersburg to obtain her Doctrine on Philology. She obtained her doctrine and returned to the country.

In 1382, she was appointed as the Head of the Literature Faculty and was working in this post until she was appointed as the Minister for the Ministry of Women’s Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. In addition to the above-mentioned posts, she has worked as a member of the High Council of the Ministry of Higher Education, member of Speranto International Association of Women, member of the International Association of Turk Zabanan and member of the Board of Directors of Hakim Naser Khesro Balkhi Association. She is fluent in Dari, Pashto, Uzbek and Russian and she knows a little Turkish and English. Her scientific articles and essays have been published in the national and international newspapers. She is a poet and writes excellent works of literature. The books she has written are: The Human Fate, Predations in the 21st Century, The Secrets of Beauty and Attraction and she has translated the book titled Self Realization.

Sixty five years ago (1943), during Zahir Shah’s reign, a twenty-member union of women established an institution called Women’s Grand Organization, in order to organize, train and educate the women, at the center of Kabul city (in a building east of the present Kabul Serena Hotel). Two years later, in 1945, by proposal and follow up of Bibi Zainab sister of late King Amanullah, a land plot was purchased in Shahr-e-Naw area of Kabul city (the present location of MoWA) for this organization, on which a kindergarten, a school, a cinema and offices were built. The cinema was named Zainab Cinema. In the Women’s Grand Organization school, under management of Ms Ruqia, married women, who could not continue their education due to various problems, continued their education.

In 1963, this organization was incorporated into Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and was called Women’s Association, which continued its activities until 1978 under management of Humaira Noorzai, Kobra Noorzai, Saleha Etemadi and Dr. Nilab Mobarez respectively.

In 1978 the name of Women’s Association was changed to Women’s Central Club. In 1986 this club was transformed to Women’s Central Association which continued its activities under this name until 1991.

After the event of 27 April 1978, the Women’s General Council was formed as a social-political organization, which was led by Dr. Anahita Ratebzad; this organization was supported by the government. Women’s Central Association, which had 360 members, became a second division of this council. Women’s General Council had social and political activities among women. This council established its branches in the capital and provinces. The ladies who were leading Women’s General Council were: Feroza Marjan, Masooma Esmati Wadak, Soraya, Belqis Tabesh, Jamila Nahid, Guljan, Shahla Sherzad, Tahera Dardmal and Fawzia Nekzad. The activities of Women’s Association were mostly vocational training such as cloth sewing, carpet weaving, typing, flower making, beauty parlor, internal decoration, needlework, etc, which were limited to Kabul city.

In 1991 when Mujahedin came to power in Kabul, the Women’s Grand Organization was restored, and first led by Mahbooba Hoquqmal and then by Qudria Yazdanparast.

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In 1994, parallel to Women’s General Organization, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs restored Women’s Association in its organizational structure, which continued its activities until October 1996.

In October 1996 Taliban entered Kabul, and women and girls were forbidden to go to school or work. Taliban incorporated Women’s Grand Organization with Women’s Association, and hired men instead of women. Taliban regime fell down in 2001. Ministry of Women’s Affairs was established according to agreements of Bonn Conference and became part of the executive of the Interim Administration. The male and female employees of Women’s Grand Organization and Women’s Association were recruited and re-employed. MoWA transformed its strategy from charity activities to policy making.

The first minister of Women’s Affairs was Sima Samar who served in this post from 2001 to early 2003. Dr. Habiba Surabi from 2003 to 2004 and Dr. Massoda Jalal from October 2004 to July 2006 served as Ministers of Women’s Affairs respectively. In July 2006, Dr. Husn Banu Ghazanfar received vote of confidence from the Parliament to become Minister of Women’s Affairs. The ladies who served as deputy ministers in policy and vocational affairs were Shafiqa Yarqin, Soraya Sobhran, Mazari Safa, and deputy ministers in financial and administrative affairs were Tajwar Kakar, Najiba Sharif and Maliha Sahak.

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Massouda Jalal http://www.khaama.com/massouda-jalal http://www.khaama.com/massouda-jalal#comments Sat, 25 Sep 2010 04:58:00 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=1018 Dr. Masooda Jalal
Massouda Jalal (born January 5, 1962) was the only woman candidate in the Afghan presidential election, 2004.[1] She is from Kabul and has a background as a pediatrician, teacher at Kabul University, and a UN World Food Programme worker. Born in Gul Bahar in Kapisa Province, one of seven children, Jalal moved to Kabul to Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Masooda Jalal

Massouda Jalal (born January 5, 1962) was the only woman candidate in the Afghan presidential election, 2004.[1] She is from Kabul and has a background as a pediatrician, teacher at Kabul University, and a UN World Food Programme worker.

Born in Gul Bahar in Kapisa Province, one of seven children, Jalal moved to Kabul to attend high school. She later attended Kabul University, where she was a member of the faculty until 1996, when the Taliban government had her removed. Jalal, a psychiatrist and pediatrician, also worked at several Kabul hospitals and, after her removal from the university faculty, as a United Nations employee within the World Food Programme. Her husband is a law instructor at Kabul University; they have three children.

Although she was uninvolved in politics during the Taliban regine, Jalal emerged after the fall of the Taliban in 2001 as a leading voice for the role of women in Afghan society. A representative of her Kabul neighborhood to the 2002 loya jirga, her name was placed into consideration to lead Afghanistan as interim president, but she placed a distant second to Hamid Karzai, with support from only 171 of the 1575 delegates. Dr. Massoda Jalal served as Minister of Women’s Affairs from October 2004 to July 2006, and she has since vocally criticized the Karzai government for not significantly advancing the social position of women.

As an outsider in Afghanistan’s power structure, Jalal stressed her independence from the warlords and past oppressive regimes. Although many of the candidates for the Afghan presidency withdrew from the race and called for a boycott of the election following reports of voting irregularities at some polling places, Jalal was one of the few candidates who did not join the protest. An exit poll taken during the October 2004 election showed Jalal taking about seven percent of the vote among Afghan women.

Jalal received 1.1 percent of the vote in the 2004 election, placing 6th among 17 male candidates. She was a member of the Karzai Administration from October 2004 to July 2006, serving at the Women’s Affairs minister in the cabinet.

In January 2009 an article by Ahmad Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Jalal on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan Presidential election.[2] Although Majidyar wrote that Jalal had said she would run again, she did not run. Two other women Dr. Frozan Fana and Shahla Atta did run. Between the two of them they got a smaller share of the popular vote than Jalal got on her own.

[edit] References

  1. ^ Masha Hamilton (September 23, 2004). “Masooda Jalal’s Campaign for President of Afghanistan” ([dead link]). Awakened Woman e-magazine. .
  2. ^ Ahmad Majidyar (2009-01). “Afghanistan’s Presidential Election”. American Enterprise Institute. Archived from the original on 2009-09-18. . “Jalal was the only woman candidate in the 2004 election. She was seventh out of seventeen candidates and then served as the minister of women’s affairs. She has said she will run again in the coming election.”

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Source: Wikipedia

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Mohammad Ismail Khan http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-ismail-khan http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-ismail-khan#comments Sat, 25 Sep 2010 04:28:29 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=886 Mohammad Ismail Khan
Ismail Khan (born 1946), an ethnic Tajik[1][2] from Herat, Afghanistan, was a powerful Mujahedeen commander in the Soviet War in Afghanistan, and then a key member of the Northern Alliance, later the Governor of Herat Province and is now the Minister of Energy for the country. He is a key member of the political party Read the full article...]]>
Mohammad Ismail Khan

Ismail Khan

Ismail Khan (born 1946), an ethnic Tajik[1][2] from Herat, Afghanistan, was a powerful Mujahedeen commander in the Soviet War in Afghanistan, and then a key member of the Northern Alliance, later the Governor of Herat Province and is now the Minister of Energy for the country. He is a key member of the political party Jamiat-e Islami and the new party United National Front.

Early years

In early 1979 Ismail Khan was a Captain in the Afghan National Army based in the western city of Herat. In early March, there was a protest in front of the Communist governor’s palace against the arrests and assassinations being carried out in the countryside. The governor’s troops opened fire on the demonstrators, who proceeded to storm the palace and hunt down Soviet advisers. The Herat garrison mutinied and joined the revolt, with Ismail Khan and other officers distributing all available weapons to the insurgents. The communist government led by Nur Mohammed Taraki responded, pulverizing the city using Soviet supplied bombers and killing an estimated 24,000 citizens in less than a week.[3] This event marked the opening salvo of the rebellion which led to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979. Ismail Khan escaped to the countryside where he started to assemble a local mujahideen army, which was widely supported by the population of Herat.[4]

During the ensuing war, he became the leader of the western command of Burhanuddin Rabbani‘s Jamiat-e-Islami. With Ahmad Shah Massoud, he was one of the most respected mujahideen leaders.[3] In 1992, two years after the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, the mujahideen captured Herat, and Ismail Khan became Governor.

Resistance against the Taliban

In 1995, he successfully defended his province against the Taliban, in cooperation with Massoud. He even attacked the Taliban stronghold of Kandahar, but was repulsed. Later, an ally of the Jamiat, Uzbek General Abdul Rashid Dostum changed sides, and attacked Herat. Ismail Khan was forced to flee to Iran with 8,000 men and the Taliban took over Herat.

Two years later, while organising opposition to the Taliban in Faryab area, he was betrayed and captured by Abdul Majid Rouzi who had defected to the Taliban along with Abdul Malik, then one of Dostum’s deputies.[3] Then in March 1999 he escaped from Kandahar prison. During the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, he fought against the Taliban within the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (Northern Alliance) and thus regained his position as Governor of Herat.

Post-Taliban era

After returning to Herat, Ismail Khan quickly consolidated his control over the region. He took over control of the city from the local ulema and quickly established control over the trade route between Herat and Iran, a large source of revenue.[5] As Emir of Herat, Ismail Khan exercised great autonomy, providing social welfare for Heratis, expanding his power into neighbouring provinces, and maintaining direct international contacts.[5] Although hated by the educated in Herat and often accused of human rights abuses, Ismail Khan’s regime provided security, paid government employees, and made investments in public services.[5] However, during his tenure as Governor, Ismail Khan was accused of ruling his province like a private fiefdom, leading to increasing tensions with the Afghan Transitional Administration. In particular, he refused to pass on to the government the revenues gained from custom taxes on goods from Iran and Turkmenistan.

Ismail Khan was ultimately removed from power in March 2004 due to pressure by neighbouring warlords and the central Afghan government. Various sources have presented different versions of the story, and the exact dynamics cannot be known with certainty. What is known is that Ismail Khan found himself at odds with a few regional commanders who, although theoretically his subordinates, attempted to remove him from power. Ismail Khan claims that these efforts began with a botched assassination attempt. Afterwards, the forces of these commanders moved their forces near Herat. Ismail Khan, unpopular with the Herati military class, was slow to mobilise his forces, perhaps waiting for the threat to Herat to become existential as a means to motivate his forces. However, the conflict was stopped with the intervention of International Security Assistance Force forces and soldiers of the Afghan National Army, freezing the conflict in its tracks. Ismail Khan’s forces even fought skirmishes with the Afghan National Army, in which his son, Mirwais Sadiq was killed. Because Ismail Khan was contained by the Afghan National Army, the warlords who opposed him were quickly able to occupy strategic locations unopposed. Ismail Khan was forced to give up his governorship and to go to Kabul, where he served in Karzai’s cabinet as the Minister of Energy.[6]

Assassination attempt

On September 27, 2009, Ismail Khan survived a suicide blast that killed 4 of his bodyguards in Herat, in western Afghanistan. He was driving to Herat Airport when a powerful explosion occurred on the way there. Taliban spokesman, Zabiullah Mujahid, claimed responsibility and said the target was Khan.[7]

Testimony requested by a Guantanamo captive

Guantanamo captive Abdul Razzaq Hekmati requested Ismail Khan’s testimony, when he was called before a Combatant Status Review Tribunal.[8] Ismail Khan, like Afghan Minister of Defense Rahim Wardak, was one of the high profile Afghans that those conducting the Tribunals ruled were “not reasonably available” to give a statement on a captive’s behalf because they could not be located.

Hekmati had played a key role in helping Ismail Khan escape from the Taliban in 1999.[9] Hekmati stood accused of helping Taliban leaders escape from the custody of Hamid Karzai’s government.

Carlotta Gall and Andy Worthington interviewed Ismail Khan for a new New York Times article after Hekmati died of cancer in Guantanamo.[9] According to the New York Times Ismail Khan said he personally buttonholed the American ambassador to tell him that Hekmati was innocent, and should be released. In contrast, Hekmati was told that the State Department had been unable to locate Khan.

Controversy

Ismail Khan is a controversial figure. Reporters Without Borders has charged him with muzzling the press and ordering attacks on journalists.[10] Also Human Rights Watch has accused him of human rights abuses.[11] After the fall of the Taliban when Ismail Khan regained control of Herat, he established an Islamic police, who would beat anyone who was found drinking and then parade them through the city with their heads shaved.

Nevertheless, he remains a popular figure for some in Afghanistan. Unlike other mujahideen commanders, Khan has not been linked to large-scale massacres and atrocities such as those committed after the capture of Kabul in 1992.[3] Moreover, during his Governorship, Herat province has enjoyed relative peace and prosperity, with Khan using the money drawn from customs revenues to repair much of the damage done by the Soviets and the Taliban. Following news of his dismissal, rioting broke out in the streets of Herat, and President Karzai had to ask him to make a personal appeal for calm.[12]

Notes and references

  1. ^
  2. ^ BBC News. .
  3. ^ a b c d Ismail Khan, Herat, and Iranian Influence by Thomas H. Johnson, Strategic Insights, Volume III, Issue 7 (July 2004)[1]
  4. ^ Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars. pg 40. 2004, Penguin Books.
  5. ^ a b c Johnson, C. & Leslie, J. “Afghanistan: The Mirage of Peace”, New York: Zed Books, 2008. p47-69, 180.
  6. ^ Giustozzi, A. “Empires of Mud: Wars and Warlords in Afghanistan”, London: Hurst & Co., 2009. p259.
  7. ^
  8. ^ Brett Murphy (June 18, 2006). “Guantanamo Bay detainees not given access to witnesses despite availability”. .
  9. ^ a b Carlotta Gall, Andy Worthington (February 5, 2008). “Time Runs Out for an Afghan Held by the U.S.”. New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-02-05. “Abdul Razzaq Hekmati was regarded here as a war hero, famous for his resistance to the Russian occupation in the 1980s and later for a daring prison break he organized for three opponents of the Taliban government in 1999.”
  10. ^ hr-media@hrea.org – Afghanistan: Radio Free Afghanistan journalist attacked and expelled fro
  11. ^ Afghanistan: Torture and Political Repression in Herat, John Sifton (November 5, 2002)
  12. ^ Profile: Ismail Khan, BBC News(September 2004)

External links

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Source: Wikipedia

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Sayed Mansoor Naderi http://www.khaama.com/sayed-mansoor-naderi123 http://www.khaama.com/sayed-mansoor-naderi123#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 13:03:06 +0000 http://www.khushnood.org/?p=60 سيد منصور نادری
  Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was born in 1936 in a spiritual family of well-known and great religious leader of Ismailia Sayed Nadir Shah-e-Kayani. Primarily, he spent a period of time in his birthplace beside his great father the intellectual, religious leader, poet and author of 58 religious, scientific & educational books. He is gifted Read the full article...]]>
سيد منصور نادری

 

Sayed Mansoor Naderi

Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was born in 1936 in a spiritual family of well-known and great religious leader of Ismailia Sayed Nadir Shah-e-Kayani. Primarily, he spent a period of time in his birthplace beside his great father the intellectual, religious leader, poet and author of 58 religious, scientific & educational books. He is gifted the basic and Advance knowledge of early time. He was possessed of high perception, resourceful, thoughtful, strong capability, generous and with unique social behavior.

As well as like his great father enthusiast in poem and literature fields. Believably, he is Nizari Ismailia the follower of worldwide (Ismailia) leader His Highness Karim Aga Khan. Since his youth period, he dedicated to serve with the community in an exceptional manner.

In fact, he proved to be the figure of integrity, generosity, veracity and faithfulness.

He joined the military service in 1955 and completed as of year 1957.Regarding his personality aspects; he is a person with political vision, cultural reflection and humanism sentiment. Based on his considerable sincerity he has been the most influential figure in the community. His great father always would hand him over the people’s relation affairs to execute the rule of law and conducting the social activities. He became a prisoner by past despotic & tyranny ex-regimes in 1967 and missed the public-relation for approximately (2) years. Indeed, the former regimes had a badly intention and negative sense considering his popularity. Sometimes they used to compromise and going through reconciliation with him in somehow for sustaining their political power. On the other hand, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Nadri was born in a country, there existing the fanaticism, tribalism, fundamentalism, ethnicity discrimination, nationalism and lack of independence vision. Furthermore, he (Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Nadri) with his three brothers allegedly, was re-imprisoned and moved to the Demazang jail without any certain cases, in jailed for (4) years as detainee and released after a revolutionary coup occurred by internal oppositions. Repeatedly, he and a number of scholars, cultural personalities, poets and a number of Islamic movements had been illegally, detained and committed for (97) to be in jailed or sentenced to death by early dictatorial states without any legal decision. Obviously, the ex- regimes (states) were just proud of their forceful authority power and they had no awareness of Allah’s secrets. After political changes, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was released from Pol-e-Charkhi prison during Babrak Karmal’s regimes.

Then he went to pilgrimage in year 1360(1981) After circumambulation from pilgrimage (Mecca) Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Nadri returned home between years 1339(1982)—1360(1981) even as, the opposition groups had already raised up against the early governments as well as opposing the illegal armed groups, including in Baghlan province the Ismailia tribes run out of tolerance and had lost their patience caused of unlawful taxes grabbed by irresponsible gunmen at their region. Perhaps, they always used to bring up their internal complaints to Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, requested him to rescue from horrible problems they were threatening through armed groups. Therefore, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, decided going to his birthplace to defend and protect the dignity & honorary of the

Innocent people living at the harmful areas, Once Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi got to the affected region. Immediately, he contributed his own 3000 sheep to the people of Daimerak and Nikpai, whom their belongings were looted by illegal armed groups. After a while, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi decided providing weapons to defend and rescue the people who were torturing under the domination of plunderers in 1362(1983).

Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi outlined his main objectives, Prioritizing the counter-narcotics, poppy eradication, elimination of drug trafficking and developing the medical facilities drug users. Specially, in sholoktoo village related to the Dana ghori as well as, wado village relating to the Tala –o- barfak districts. That consequently, 1000 drug users were diagnosed and left the opium. Besides, in case of, narcotic growth endangering the large number of peoples using drugs. Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi established a 100 beds hospital located at the valley of kayan in year 1362 (1983) to annihilate the drug elements.

In addition for security efficiency and peacekeeping, he formed a military contingent at the government framework. In order to take an active part in peace & security process, through the salang high way to hairatan where the investment convoys moved the food stuff to Kabul and other provinces. After the establishment of the military unit by Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, the mujahidin logistical convoys could safely, move around the region as well. Particularly, let’s say regarding the kayan (valley) where the most peaceful environment and safest area amongst the entire region were. Means that even two obstinate enemies who were mujahidin groups and government key officials,

Gathering around a table. In year 1367(1988) Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi founded the Hakim Nasir Khosrow Balhki’s cultural association as well as a huge library equipped with (50000) various kind of scientific and educational books, Facilitating for cultural figures and students. At the same year 1367(1988) the national compromise policy was issued by Dr. Najibullah the ex-soviet backed president of Afghanistan. Simultaneously, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was appointed as senator via Baghlan pious people. After his assignment, he mainly, kept concentrating on counter-narcotics providing medical requirements/care for border district of Badakhshan province, for drug user’s treatment. So, on deployed a large number of doctors and preachers in different required areas, financing by his own budget, as consequence, 3200 drug users had been treated on that process. In year 1371(1992) after fall of Dr Najibullah, the state’s control transitioned to mujahidin, also, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was playing a prominent and positive role for peace ,stability ,fraternity and national unity among the mujahidin factions in the country.

After Najibullah stepped down, the major parts of the country changed to battleground and led toward instability and anarchism. The illegal armed groups occupied different key positions and damaged the public’s interests and plundered lots of productive resources.

As the rival factions misused from conflicted conditions, fighting between each other, assassinated, destroyed and looted huge number of public’s prosperities. But, fortunately, in Baghlan province due to the strong leadership & management and honest authority of Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, everything was on secure and stable no one had felt fear. Everybody/organization including the governmental employees, factory staffs, teachers and entire inhabitants from variety of tribes (nationality) living at the region was continuing their normal routines without any life- threat or risk. Particularly, in Polikhumri there was as secure as the citizens had felt no political conversion in their country. Meanwhile, the major provinces, districts and villages were turning to horrible harshness and civil war. But, Baghlan province was the most peaceful and safest one. Indeed it wasn’t any restriction for educational process, during that period of time. There were approximately 45000 Teachers, students including male and female teaching and studying. After a year in term of Borhanuddein rabani’s presidency In case of critical situation and security crisis the logistical support (requirements and resources) from Kabul central government to Baghlan province including: the governmental offices, university, schools, productive factory and constructional projects had broken off and no longer continued.

But in spite, there in mentioned province everything went on toward progression and development. Once the Taliban black regime occupied Kabul and expelled the Mujahidin’s controversial government in 1375(1996). After withdrawal from Kabul,

The ex-president Borhanudden Rabani with entire his Cabinet members relied coming to the (kayan) north where Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was governing. Therefore, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, based on his humanitarian sentiment and brave attitude had. He welcomed the fallen government leader with his entire key members and announced his extraordinary partiality/support for them. On the other hand, he (Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi) was the host of thousand refugees coming from Kabul on that time.

Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi is the one, who follows the prophets and imams directions, pointing his enthusiasm upon knowledge, cultural issues and legal performance for the nation’s profit. Truly, he has never sacrificed his belief and honorary to any material desired. But honorably and bravely lived and saves his valuable reputation. Once, the civil war was on going at Kabul and every where was being burned by flame of hostile attacks. A Pakistani investor named Salim Howlia came to Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, asked him intending to purchase the equipments of Pulkhomri cement production factory For 20 million US $. But, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, constantly, refused him! and said “that” he might come to the wrong direction. Because, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi prioritizes his national identity and patriotism rather than his self-advantages.

Meanwhile, due to the economic crisis threatening, he (Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi) distributed his own (3000 Kg, seeds used)several acres of agricultural arid lands, located near the todak and Scar locations with all it’s legal contracts for deserved peoples. And distributed other several acres of his personal lands which were located near Shah Hassan village- up to Qorqasawi. According to this, is representing the Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi’s generosity nature, brave attitude, honest capability and constant doctrine; that he could secure and protect the Ismailia tribe from different hazardous environment and challenges. In reason of, black fanaticism existed against Ismailia religion.

The Ismailia youth past generation had no participation in political scene even some converted their beliefs, caused of political and religious radicalisms. That case, Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, made inexhaustible endeavor to correlate and re-approach the relations between variety of tribes and religions. He could encourage and reinforced the Ismailia community to be desirous for a better tomorrow and leave all hopelessness. If we put a glance in the current condition, there are many high educated Ismailia people available at the political framework.

In year 1375(1996) in respect of people’s recommendations including the regional dignitaries, military, literary figures, scholars and Jihadi allies. Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi as per his suitability, legal capacity for (Afghan) civility affaires that he proved during the time, (he) was unanimously assigned as a vice president of Islamic government of Afghanistan. During his vice presidency, he did consecutive efforts to prevent the foreign invasion to Afghanistan’s internal affairs, and always struggled to ensure the peace and afghan national unity. Particularly, the kayan valley and Polikhumri town was the center of peace and stability among the region. Where all the political and military disputes (between rival groups) were figuring out and always been the principal position for reconciliation among the rival groups.

In year 1377(1998) Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi, set out abroad, due to the (historical) critical situation. After September 11th’s attack and political changes in the world, paving the ground for peace process in the country. Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi returned (from exile) to Afghanistan, after discussion with government officials Announcing his considerable support from Bonn conference. In year 1381(2003) Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi together with political scholars, analysts established and constituted the Afghan National Unity Party. In year 1384 (2005) Alhaj Sayed Mansoor Naderi was elect as representative on behalf of Baghlan residents to the people’s house (parliament) by major vote. And so for, he has been as a trustworthy and respectful legislator among the nations in law enforcement and solution for the current statues in the country.

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Dr. Ashraf Ghani http://www.khaama.com/dr-ashraf-ghani http://www.khaama.com/dr-ashraf-ghani#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 12:35:11 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=507 Dr. Ashraf Ghani
Dr Ashraf Ghani grew up in Afghanistan before pursuing his education abroad. Like so many Afghans, foreign invasion and civil war led to the persecution of his family and forced him to remain in exile. Whilst abroad he became a leading scholar of Political Science and Anthropology and then worked at the World Bank where Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Ashraf Ghani

Dr. Ashraf Ghani

Dr Ashraf Ghani grew up in Afghanistan before pursuing his education abroad. Like so many Afghans, foreign invasion and civil war led to the persecution of his family and forced him to remain in exile. Whilst abroad he became a leading scholar of Political Science and Anthropology and then worked at the World Bank where he learned the tools of international development assistance. Following the fall of the Taliban in 2001 he returned to Afghanistan seeking to devote his unique skills and knowledge to the task of rebuilding the country. He advised interim President Karzai and served as the Finance Minister in the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan until December 2004. During his tenure as Finance Minister, he designed a package of reforms and initiated several public investment programs that led to significant improvements in the livelihoods of ordinary Afghans across the country. He declined to join the new elected Government in December 2004. However, he remained an influential voice in the political circles both in Afghanistan and abroad.

Early Life

Ashraf Ghani was born to an influential family in Afghanistan in 1949, and spent his early life in the Province of Logar. He completed his primary and secondary education in Habibia High School in Kabul. Growing up in Kabul under monarchy, where his father worked in various senior capacities, he has been immersed in politics from his early days.

Education and Early Career

As a young man Ashraf travelled to Lebanon to attend the American University in Beirut, where he met his future wife, Rula, and earned his first degree in 1973. He returned to Afghanistan in 1974 to teach Afghan studies and Anthropology at Kabul University before winning a government scholarship to study for a Master’s degree in Anthropology at New York’s Columbia University. He left Afghanistan in 1977, intending to be away for two years. When pro-Soviet forces came to power, most of the male members of his family were imprisoned and he was stranded in the US. He stayed at Columbia University and won his Ph.D. there, with a doctoral thesis (Production and domination: Afghanistan, 1747-1901) and was immediately invited to teach at University of California, Berkeley (1983) and then at Johns Hopkins University (1983-1991). During this period he became a frequent commentator on the BBC Dari and Pashto services, broadcast in Afghanistan

International Career

In 1991, Dr. Ghani joined the World Bank as lead anthropologist, advising on the human dimension to economic programs. He served for 11 years, initially working on projects in East Asia, but moving in the mid-nineties towards articulating the Bank’s social policy and reviewing country strategies, conditionalities, and designing reform programs. In 1996, he pioneered the application of institutional and organizational analysis to macro processes of change and reform, working directly on the adjustment program of the Russian coal industry and carrying out reviews of the Bank’s country assistance strategies and structural adjustment programs globally. He spent five years in China, India, and Russia managing large-scale development and institutional transformation projects. Whilst at the World Bank Dr Ghani attended the Harvard-INSEAD and Stanford business schools leadership training program.

Work after 2001

Following the ousting of the Taliban in late 2001, Dr Ghani was asked to serve as Special Adviser to Ambassador Lakhdar Brahimi, the UN Secretary General’s special envoy to Afghanistan. In that capacity, Dr Ghani returned to Afghanistan and worked on the design, negotiation and implementation of the Bonn Agreement, which set out the roadmap for transition to a new government based on popular consent. During the Interim Administration, Dr Ghani served, on a pro bono basis, as Chief Adviser to Interim President Karzai and was among the first officials to disclose his assets. In this capacity, he worked on the preparation of the Loya Jirgas (grand assemblies) that elected president Karzai and approved the constitution.

Work as Finance Minister

As Afghanistan’s Finance Minister for the duration of the Transitional Administration, Dr Ghani is widely credited with the design and implementation of some of the most extensive and difficult reforms of the period. He issued a new currency in record time; computerized the operations of treasury; institutionalized the single treasury account; adopted a policy of no-deficit financing; introduced the budget as the central instrument of policy; centralized revenue; reformed the tariff system and overhauled customs; and instituted regular reporting to the cabinet, the people of Afghanistan, and international stakeholders as a tool of transparency and accountability.

Dr Ghani has combined personal integrity with extremely tough measures against corruption. When he became Finance Minister he fired corrupt officials from the Finance Ministry, ignoring those who threatened to take revenge. He refused to pay the army until they produced a genuine roster of soldiers, rightly suspecting that the figures were exaggerated so as to claim extra money.

Dr Ghani harnessed his knowledge of the international system to break new ground in coordinating donor assistance. He required donors to keep their interventions to three sectors, thereby bringing clarity and mutual accountability to their relations with government counterparts, and preparing a development strategy that put the Afghans in the driver’s seat regarding accountability for their future.

In recognition of his services, he was awarded the Sayed Jamal-ud-Din Afghan medal, the highest civilian award in the country. He was recognized as the Best Finance Minister of Asia in 2003 by Emerging Markets for his efforts.

On March 31-April 2004, he presented a seven-year program of public investment, Securing Afghanistan’s Future, to an international conference in Berlin attended by 65 finance and foreign ministers. Described as the most comprehensive program ever prepared and presented by a poor country to the international community, Securing Afghanistan’s Future was prepared by a team of one-hundred experts working under the supervision of a committee chaired by Dr Ghani. The concept of a double-compact, between the donors and the government of Afghanistan on the one hand and between the government and people of Afghanistan on the other, underpinned the program of investment in Securing Afghanistan’s Future. The donors pledged $8.2 billion at the conference for the first three years of the program –- the exact amount asked by the government — and agreed that the government’s request for a total seven-year package of assistance of $27.5 billion was justified.

Throughout his career, Dr Ghani has focused relentlessly on poverty eradication through the creation of wealth and the establishment of the rights of citizenship. In Afghanistan, he is attributed with designing the National Solidarity Program, a program of bloc grants to villages in which elected village councils determine both the priorities and the mechanisms of implementation. The program has been rolled out across the country and has become so successful that other countries around the world are seeking to emulate it. Dr Ghani also partnered with the Ministry of Communication to ensure that telecom licenses were granted on a fully-transparent basis. As a result, the number of mobile phones in the country jumped from 100 in July 2002 to over a million at the end of 2005. Private investment in the sector exceeded $200 million and the telecom sector emerged as one of the major sectors of revenue generation for government.

After the election of President Karzai in October 2004, Mr Ghani declined to join the cabinet and instead asked to be appointed as Chancellor of Kabul University. As Chancellor, he was engaged in articulating the concept of shared governance among the faculty, students, and staff and advocating a vision of the University where men and women with skills and commitment to lead their country in the age of globalization can be trained.

Dr Ghani subsequently founded the Institute for State Effectiveness, to help governments and their international partners to build more effective, accountable systems of government. As Chairman of the Institute Dr Ghani co-authored a book , Fixing Failed States, to international critical acclaim.
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Source: www.ashrafghani.af

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Zalmay Khalilzad http://www.khaama.com/zalmay-khalilzad http://www.khaama.com/zalmay-khalilzad#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 10:59:01 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=882 Zalmay Khalilzad
Zalmay Mamozy Khalilzad (Nastaliq: زلمی خلیلزاد – Zalmay Khalīlzād) (born: 22 March 1951) is an American counselor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and president of Khalilzad Associates, an international business consulting firm based in Washington, DC. He was the United States Ambassador to the United Nations under President George W. Bush. Read the full article...]]>
Zalmay Khalilzad

Zalmai Khalilzad

Zalmay Mamozy Khalilzad (Nastaliq: زلمی خلیلزاد – Zalmay Khalīlzād) (born: 22 March 1951) is an American counselor at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and president of Khalilzad Associates, an international business consulting firm based in Washington, DC. He was the United States Ambassador to the United Nations under President George W. Bush. He has been involved with U.S. policy makers at the White House, State Department and Pentagon since the mid-1980s, and was the highest-ranking Muslim American in the Administration of U.S. President George W. Bush.[2] Khalilzad’s previous assignments in the Administration include U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan and U.S. Ambassador to Iraq.

Early history and personal life

Zalmay Khalilzad is from eastern Laghman Province born in the city of Mazari Sharif in northern Afghanistan. Khalilzad’s father (Khalilullah Khalilzad) was a government official under the monarchy of Mohammed Zahir Shah.[3] He is an ethnic Pashtun[4][5].[6] He is fluent in English, Pashto, Dari and Arabic.

Khalilzad began his education at the public Ghazi Lycée school in Kabul. He first visited the United States as a Ceres, California high school exchange student with AFS Intercultural Programs. Later, he attained his bachelor’s and master’s degrees from the American University of Beirut in Lebanon. Khalilzad received his Ph.D at the University of Chicago, where he studied closely with strategic thinker Albert Wohlstetter, a prominent nuclear deterrence thinker and strategist, who provided Zalmay with contacts in the government and with RAND.[2]

Khalilzad is married to Cheryl Benard. They have two children, Alexander and Maximilian.

Career history

Presently Khalilzad serves as the President of Khalilzad Associates, LLC a “international advisory firm that serves clients at the nexus of commerce and public policies, helping global businesses navigate the most promising and challenging international markets.” [7] Khalilzad Associates counts among its clients international and US companies which are primarily interested in doing business in Iraq and Afghanistan. According to Khalilzad, these include companies in the sectors of energy, construction, education and infrastructure.[8]

Khalilzad also currently serves as a Counselor at the Center for Strategic International Studies (CSIS) and sits on the Boards of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), America Abroad Media (AAM), the RAND Corporation’s Middle East Studies Center, the American University of Iraq in Suleymania (AUIS), and the American University of Afghanistan (AUAF).[9]

From 1979 to 1989, Khalilzad worked as an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Columbia University‘s School of International and Public Affairs. During that time he worked closely with Zbigniew Brzezinski, the Carter Administration’s architect of the policy supporting the mujahideen resistance to the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan.[2] (See also: Operation Cyclone.)

In 1984 Khalilzad accepted a one-year Council on Foreign Relations fellowship to join the State Department, where he worked for Paul Wolfowitz, Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs.

From 1985 to 1989, Khalilzad served in President Ronald Reagan‘s Administration as a senior State Department official advising on the Soviet war in Afghanistan and the Iran–Iraq War. During this time he was a member of the policy planning staff and the State Department’s Special Advisor on Afghanistan to Undersecretary of State Michael H. Armacost. In this role he developed and guided the international program to promote the merits of a Mujahideen-led Afghanistan to oust the Soviet occupation. From 1990-1992, Khalilzad served under President George H. W. Bush in the Defense Department as Deputy Undersecretary for Policy Planning.

Between 1993 and 2000, Khalilzad was the Director of the Strategy, Doctrine, and Force Structure at the RAND Corporation. During this time, he helped found RAND’s Center for Middle Eastern Studies as well as “Strategic Appraisal,” a periodic RAND publication. He also authored several influential monographs, including “The United States and a Rising China” and “From Containment to Global Leadership? America and the World After the Cold War.” While at RAND, Khalilzad also had a brief stint consulting for Cambridge Energy Research Associates, which at the time was conducting a risk analysis for Unocal, now part of Chevron, for a proposed 1,400 km (890 mile), $2-billion, 622 m³/s (22,000 ft³/s) Trans-Afghanistan gas pipeline project which would have extended from Turkmenistan to Afghanistan and further proceeding to Pakistan. As one of the original members of Project for the New American Century, Khalilzad was a signatory of the letter to President Bill Clinton sent on January 26, 1998, which called for him to accept the aim of “removing Saddam Hussein and his regime from power” using “a full complement of diplomatic, political and military efforts.”[10]

Khalilzad presenting President George W. Bush a ballot from the first democratic election in Afghanistan on 18 October 2004.

In 2001, President George W. Bush asked Khalilzad to head the Bush-Cheney transition team for the Department of Defense and Khalilzad briefly served as Counselor to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. In May 2001, National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice announced Khalilzad’s appointment as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Southwest Asia, Near East, and North African Affairs at the National Security Council. In December 2002 the President appointed Khalilzad to the position of Ambassador at Large for Free Iraqis with the task of coordinating “preparations for a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq.”[11]

After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, President Bush came to rely on Khalilzad’s Afghanistan expertise. Khalilzad was involved in the early stages of planning to overthrow the Taliban and on December 31, 2001 was selected as Bush’s Special Presidential Envoy for Afghanistan. He served in that position until November 2003, when he was appointed to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan.

Khalilzad held the position of U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan from November 2003 until June 2005. During this time, he oversaw the drafting of Afghanistan’s constitution, was involved with the country’s first elections, and helped to organize the first meeting of Afghanistan’s parliament (the Loya Jirga). At the June, 2002, Loya Jirga to select the Head of State, representatives of the US convinced the former king of Afghanistan, 87-year old Zahir Shah, to withdraw from consideration, even though a majority of Loya Jirga delegates supported him, a move which angered Pashtuns who were concerned with the disproportionate power of the Northern Alliance in the Karzai government.[12] During Khalilzad’s tenure as ambassador, Afghan President Hamid Karzai consulted closely with him on a regular basis about political decisions and the two dined together regularly.[13][14] During 2004 and 2005 he was also involved in helping with the establishment of the American University of Afghanistan (AUAF), which is the first American-style higher learning educational institution in Afghanistan.[15]

Time as U.S. Ambassador to Iraq

Zalmay Khalilzad and U.S. Army General George Casey attend a transfer of security responsibility ceremony in Baghdad, Iraq, in September 2006.

Khalilzad began his job as U.S. Ambassador to Iraq on June 21, 2005. He was credited for helping negotiate compromises which allowed the ratification of Iraq’s Constitution in October 2005. Khalilzad also worked to ensure that the December 2005 elections ran smoothly and played a substantial role in forming the first post-Saddam government. Khalilzad also helped establish the American University of Iraq in Sulaimaniya and sits on its board of regents.[16]

In comparison to his predecessors Paul Bremer and John Negroponte in Baghdad, Khalilzad was considered a success as US Ambassador and credited with bringing a cultural sophistication and human touch to the job that helped connect with Iraqis.[17] Khalilzad was one of the first high-level Administration officials to warn that sectarian violence was overtaking the insurgency as the number one threat to Iraq’s stability. After the Al Askari shrine bombing, in February 2006, he warned that spreading sectarian violence might lead to civil war — and possibly even a broader conflict involving neighboring countries. Khalilzad sought political solutions to the problem of sectarianism, in particular working to integrate the balance of power between Iraq’s three main ethic groups in order to head off growing Sunni violence.[17]

Khalilzad’s term as Ambassador to Iraq ended on March 26, 2007. He was replaced by Ryan Crocker, a career diplomat who was serving as Ambassador to Pakistan previously.

United States Ambassador to the United Nations

On 12 February 2007, the White House submitted Khalilzad’s nomination to the Senate to become U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations.[18] He was confirmed by the Democratic-controlled U.S. Senate on March 29, 2007 by a unanimous voice vote.[19] This marked a strong contrast to Khalilzad’s predecessor, John R. Bolton, whose often controversial rhetoric caused him to fail to be confirmed by the United States Senate resulting in a recess appointment. Colleagues at the UN noted that Khalilzad has a different, more reconciling style than Bolton’s.[20]

In November 2007, Khalilzad charged that Iran is helping the insurgent groups in Afghanistan and Iraq. He also told the media, soon after the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) released its report on Iran, that the Iranian government is clearly going ahead with its nuclear program. Khalilzad explained that the United States will try to pass another resolution in the U.N. Security Council under Chapter 7, to impose additional sanctions on Iran.[21]

Khalilzad, along with most U.S. politicians, supported Kosovo‘s independence.

In August 2008, he urged the UN Security Council to “take urgent action” and “condemn Russia’s military assault on the sovereign state of Georgia,”[22] in addition to stating that Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov had told Secretary of State Rice that Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili “must go.”[23]

Writing on U.S. leadership

Khalilzad wrote several articles on the subject of the value of U.S. global leadership in the mid-1990s. The specific scenarios for conflict he envisioned in the case of a decline in American power have made his writings extremely popular in the world of competitive high school and college policy debate, particularly his writing linking the loss of United States hegemony to global war.

  • Khalilzad, Zalmay (1995). “Losing the moment? The United States and the world after the Cold War”. The Washington Quarterly 18:2: 03012.

Rumors of Bid to become “chief executive officer” of Afghanistan

The New York Times reported May 18, 2009 anonymous rumors that Zalmay Khalilzad “could assume a powerful, unelected position inside the Afghan government under a plan he is discussing with Hamid Karzai, the Afghan president, according to senior American and Afghan officials.” The article also claimed that Khalilzad had pursued the Presidency of Afghanistan but missed the May 8 filing deadline.[24] Khalizad, however, denied having any designs on official or unofficial office in Afghanistan.[25]

References

  1. ^ Zalmay Khalilzad: US power broker BBC. 2007-01-08. Retrieved on 2009-11-01.
  2. ^ a b c International House at the University of Chicago – Alumni In The News, Ambassador Zalmay M. Khalilzad, PhD ’79
  3. ^ Livergood, Norman D. (2003). America, Awake!: We Must Take Back Our Country. United States: Dandelion Books, LLC. pp. 332. ISBN 189330227X. .
  4. ^ USA TodayBush names special envoy to Afghanistan, December 31, 2001
  5. ^ ABC NewsWho Is Zalmay Khalilzad?, by Andrew Chang, September 30, 2004
  6. ^ The Guardian
  7. ^
  8. ^
  9. ^
  10. ^ Letter Dated: January 26, 1998
  11. ^ The White HouseStatement by the Press Secretary (December 2, 2002)
  12. ^ New York TimesAfghan Democracy and Its First Missteps By S. Frederick Starr and Marin J. Strmecki, Friday, June 14, 2002
  13. ^ Parker, Kathleen (April 11, 2010). “The U.S. can’t ignore Karzai’s tantrum”. The Washington Post. .
  14. ^ TIMEInside Karzai’s Campaign (October 4, 2004)
  15. ^ Azizi Hotak General Trading Group
  16. ^ Dagher, Sam (July 14, 2010). “Prospects Abound Among the Kurds”. The New York Times. .
  17. ^ a b Steele, Jonathan (April 23, 2006). “The viceroy of Baghdad”. The Guardian (London). .
  18. ^ The White House – Nominations and Withdrawal Sent to the Senate (February 12, 2007)
  19. ^ Examiner – New U.S. Ambassador to U.N. Starts Job (April 23, 2007)
  20. ^ “A matter of honour”. The Economist. 2007-07-26. . Retrieved 2007-08-16.
  21. ^ Pajhwok Afghan News, Iran supports insurgent groups in Afghanistan: Khalilzad (Nov. 16, 2007)
  22. ^
  23. ^
  24. ^ Cooper, Helene (May 19, 2009). “Ex-U.S. Envoy May Take Key Role in Afghan Government”. The New York Times. . Retrieved April 6, 2010.
  25. ^

External links

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Source: Wikipedia

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Mohammad Yonus Qanooni http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-yonus-qanooni http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-yonus-qanooni#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 09:02:45 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=858 Mohammad Yonus Qanooni
Yunus Qanuni (يونس قانوني, also transliterated Qanooni and Qanouni) (born 1957) is a politician in Afghanistan. An ethnic Tajik from the Panjshir Valley in Afghanistan, Qanuni is the leader of the Afghanistan e Naween (New Afghanistan) political party and Speaker of the House of the People (the lower house of parliament or Wolesi Jirga). Pre Read the full article...]]>
Mohammad Yonus Qanooni

Mohammad Yonus Qanooni

Yunus Qanuni (يونس قانوني, also transliterated Qanooni and Qanouni) (born 1957) is a politician in Afghanistan. An ethnic Tajik from the Panjshir Valley in Afghanistan, Qanuni is the leader of the Afghanistan e Naween (New Afghanistan) political party and Speaker of the House of the People (the lower house of parliament or Wolesi Jirga).

Pre Election Life

Following the Soviet Intervention of Afghanistan in 1979, Qanuni joined with the mujahideen force led by Ahmad Shah Massoud based in his native Panjshir Valley. A protégé of Massoud, he was involved in the creation of the Afghan Northern Alliance and served as Interior Minister in Burhanuddin Rabbani‘s government. After the assassination of Massoud in 2001, a trio consisting of Qanuni, Defence Minister Mohammed Fahim and Foreign Minister Dr Abdullah took defacto control of the Northern Alliance and its financial resources.

As a member of the Northern Alliance, he supported the United States invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, but opposed Pakistani involvement, as Pakistan favored a reformed Taliban government rather than a new government based upon the Afghan Northern Alliance. In 2001, Qanuni served as chief negotiator for the Afghan Northern Alliance delegation to the Bonn conference on Afghanistan in Bonn, Germany.

Immediately after the fall of the Taliban government, Qanuni was interior minister in an interim administration. He was eventually made the education minister in the Afghan Transitional Administration (established in June 2002), and served as a security advisor to interim President Hamid Karzai. Along with Fahim and Abdullah, Qanuni was seen as one of the dominant figures of the Transitional Administration

Mr. Qanuni has been accused of multiple charges of corruption. Some Afghan politicians claim they have evidence that Qanuni is paid 200,000$ per month by the MI6 of the UK. In return Qanuni is believed to give UK’s interests in Afghanistan a priority. He was also caught in the Dubai International Airport while trying to transfer 1,000,000$ worth of money to London from Kabul.

Elections for a permanent government were scheduled for 2004. When Qanuni’s ally Mohammed Fahim was passed over as vice-presidential running mate of Karzai, Qanuni entered the race for the presidency himself. On October 5, 2004, Qanuni’s campaign supporter, Abdul Aziz, was assassinated while in Shindand, Afghanistan.

In the election, held October 9, 2004, he placed second to Karzai. On December 23, 2004, the newly-inaugurated Karzai announced his administration, and both Qanuni and Fahim were dropped from their Ministerial posts.

Post Election Activities

Qanuni was elected in the 2005 Afghan Parliamentary elections, placing second in the Kabul province. Since the Presidential election he has generally been seen as the spokesman of the formerly powerful Tajik ethnic group, which dominated the Northern Alliance and the Transitional Afghan Administration, but was largely sidelined after the 2004 Presidential Election. As well as his own party, Qanuni has formed an alliance of several parties called the Jabahai Tafahim Millie or National Understanding Front.

On December 21, Qanuni was chosen to lead the 249-seat lower house of parliament with 122 votes against 117 for his closest challenger, Rasool Sayyaf.

Quotes

My candidacy is not to obtain positions, it is to save Afghanistan, to build a government of the future of Afghanistan. So no post and position can stop me from my determination. – August 2004

External sources

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Source: BBC

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Abdul Rashid Dostum http://www.khaama.com/abdul-rashid-dostum http://www.khaama.com/abdul-rashid-dostum#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 04:03:12 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=2654 Abdul Rashid Dostum
Abdul Rashid Dostum (‘Abd al-Raszhid Dostum or Dostam) (born 1954) is a former pro-Soviet fighter during the Soviet war in Afghanistan and is considered by many to be the leader of Afghanistan’s Uzbek community and the party Junbish-e Milli-yi Islami-yi Afghanistan. He joined the Afghan military in 1978, fighting with the Soviets and against the Read the full article...]]>
Abdul Rashid Dostum

Abdul Rashid Dostum (‘Abd al-Raszhid Dostum or Dostam) (born 1954) is a former pro-Soviet fighter during the Soviet war in Afghanistan and is considered by many to be the leader of Afghanistan’s Uzbek community and the party Junbish-e Milli-yi Islami-yi Afghanistan. He joined the Afghan military in 1978, fighting with the Soviets and against the mujahideen throughout the 1980s before joining the mujahideen in 1992, after the Soviet withdrawal, to assist in the capture of Kabul. He is a general and the Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Afghan National Army a role often viewed as ceremonial. In early 2008 he was removed from his army role because of the Akbar Bai kidnapping incident. Dostum spent a year living in Turkey. In June 2009, shortly before the presidential elections, Afghan President Hamid Karzai reappointed Dostum to his post.

Human rights groups have accused his troops of human rights violations, charges which Dostum denies.

Military career

Early life

Dostum was born in Khvajeh Do Kuh, Afghanistan. In 1970 he began to work in a state-owned gas refinery in Sheberghan, Jowzjan Province, participating in union politics, as the new government started to arm the staff of the workers in the oil and gas refineries. The reason for this was to create “groups for the defense of the revolution”. Because of the new communist ideas entering Afghanistan in the 1970s, he enlisted himself in the army. Dostum received his basic military training in Jalalabad. His squadron, in response to increasing conflict, was deployed in the rural areas around Sheberghan, under the auspices of the Ministry of National Security

By the mid 1980s his platoon had grown in stature, reaching a company level and by the mid-1980s he was in command of over 20,000 militia and had reached a regimental level. While the unit recruited throughout Jowzjan and had a relatively broad base, many of its early troops and commanders came from Dostum’s home village, Khoja Dukoh, and these represented the core of the unit at that juncture and again when it was reconstituted after the American Invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. He left the army after the purge of Parchamis, but returned after the Soviet occupation began.

Soviet war in Afghanistan

As the situation in the Republic of Afghanistan deteriorated with massive uprising occurring all over the country, the then prime minister Hafizullah Amin, seized control when he overthrew president Nur Mohammad Taraki. The KGB reported that Amin sought to cut ties with the Soviet Union and instead ally itself with the People’s Republic of China and Pakistan. This prompted the Soviet Union to invade Afghanistan and assassinate president Amin in 1979. Soviet military commander announced to Radio Kabul that Afghanistan had been “liberated” from Amin’s rule.

Mujahideen attacks were still a problem in the country. By this time Dostum was commanding a militia battalion to fight and rout rebel forces. This eventually became a regiment and later became incorporated into the defense forces as the 53rd Infantry Division. Dostum and his new division reported directly to then-President Mohammad Najibullah. Later on he became the commander of the military unit 374 in Jowzjan. He defended the communist Republic of Afghanistan against the American and Pakistani-backed mujahideens in the 1980s. While he was only a regional commander, he had largely raised the militia he fought with by himself. The Jowzjani militia Dostum controlled was one of the few militia forces in the country which was able to be outside of its region. The militia forces were deployed in the city Qandahar in 1988 when Soviet forces withdrew in 1989.

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 the communist regime faced economic problems. The new Russian government did not want anything to do with their old communist allies. So they stopped sending supplies to the country, which began an economic crisis in the country. The Soviet Union was Afghanistan’s main trading partner from the start in 1978. This eventually led to government officials swapping allegiances and would eventually lead to Mohammad Najibullahs governments fall in 1992.

Dostum army forces would become an important factor in the fall of Kabul in 1992. On 18 April 1992 the mujahideen began their revolt against the government of Najibullah. He allied himself with mujahideen commander Ahmad Shah Massoud, Sayed Jafar Naderi, the head of the Isma’ili community and Baghlan Province, and together they captured the city of Kabul.

After the siege in 1992 he and Masoud fought in a coalition against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Masoud and Dostum’s forces joined together to defend Kabul against Hekmatyar, with some 4000-5000 of his troops, units of his Shiberghan-based 53rd Division and Balkh-based Guards Division garrisoning Bala Hissar fort, Maranjan Hill, and Khwaja Rawash International Airport.

Civil War

In 1994, Dostum allied himself with the forces of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Again, Dostum was laying a siege on Kabul which started in 1995 and ended in 1997. This time he was fighting against the government Burhanuddin Rabbani and Massoud.

Following the rise of the Taliban and their capture of Herat and Kabul, Dostum aligned himself with Rabbani against the Taliban. Dostum however retreated to the city of Mazar-i-Sharif.

At this point he is said to have had a force of some 50,000 men supported by both aircraft and tanks. He was supported by all opponents of the Taliban including Russia, Iran and India. He ruled what was, in effect, an independent region. He printed his own Afghan currency and ran a small airline named Balkh Air.

In October 1996 Dostum came to an agreement with Massoud to form the anti-Taliban coalition that outside Afghanistan became known as the Northern Alliance. They vowed to set up a non-fundamentalist government in the nine Northern provinces under their control. Their pact was also signed by Abdul Karim Khalily, leader of the Shiite Muslim minority in Afghanistan, whose forces controlled a 10th province. The Taliban controlled all the other 19 Afghan provinces, except a part of Parwan Province north of Kabul that was held by the Massoud forces.

Much like other northern alliance leaders, Dostum also faced infighting within his group and was later forced tor retreat from power thanks to his General Abdul Malik Pahlawan. Initially, Malik was one of Dostum’s subordinates, but in 1996 he blamed Dostum for the murder of his brother Rasoul. He then entered into secret negotiations with the Taliban, who promised to respect his authority over much of Northern Afghanistan, in exchange for the capture of Ismail Khan, one of their most powerful enemies. Accordingly, on 25 May 1997 he arrested Khan and handed him over and let the Taliban enter Mazari Sharif, giving them control over most of Northern Afghanistan. Because of this treason, Dostum was forced to flee to Turkey. However Malik quickly realized that the Taliban were not going to keep their promises as they started to disarm his men. He then rejoined forces with the Northern Alliance, and turned against his erstwhile allies, helping to drive them from Mazar-i-Sharif. In October 1997, Dostum returned from exile and defeated Malik, briefly regaining control of Mazar-i-Sharif, and forcing Malik to escape to Iran. But in 1998 he was forced to flee to Turkey again.

Dostum returned in 2001. At this time Massoud had used his CIA funds to fly Dostum and his commanders back to open a new front in the campaign against Taliban. Along with General Mohammed Fahim and Ismail Khan, Dostum was one of three leaders of the Northern Alliance.

US invasion of Afghanistan

In November 2001, with the beginning of the US invasion of Afghanistan, and against the wishes of the CIA who distrusted Dostum, a team including Johnny Micheal Spann landed to set up communications in the Dariya Suf. A few hours later 23 men of Operational Detachment Alpha (ODA) 595 landed to begin the war.

On 24 November 2000, 300 Taliban soldiers retreated after the Siege of Kunduz by American and Aghan military forces. The taliban laid down their weapons a few miles from the city of Mazar-i-Sharif. They eventually surrendered peacefully to Dostum.

A small group of armed foreign fighters drove to Mazar-i-Sharif and were moved to the 19th century prison fortress, Qala-i-Jangi. These fighters would use concealed weapons start the Battle of Qala-i-Jangi against the Northern Alliance and later British and American forces. The uprising eventually overpowered the Northern Alliance soldiers placed to defend the prison.

There were unproven allegations in 2001 that Dostum and his forces, who were fighting jointly with US Special Forces, suffocated as many as 2,000 prisoners in container trucks following the Taliban surrender of Kunduz in an incident that has become known as the Dasht-i-Leili massacre.

Political career

Afghan Government

Dostum served as a deputy defense minister for Karzai in the national government in Kabul. In March 2003, Dostum established a North Zone of Afghanistan, against the wishes of interim president Hamid Karzai. On 20 May 2003, after narrowly escaping an assassination attempt, Dostum assumed the position of “Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Afghan Armed Forces”.

In the aftermath of the Taliban’s removal from northern Afghanistan, forces loyal to Dostum frequently clashed with forces loyal to Tajik General Ustad Atta Mohammed Noor after Atta’smen kidnapped and killed a number of Dostum’s men and constantly agitated to gain control of Mazar i Sharif. Through the political mediations of the Karzai regime, the U.S.-led international military coalition, and the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force, as well as the UN-run Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration program, the Dostum-Atta feud has largely ended. The two are now generally politically allied as part of a broader ideological effort to protect the interests of Afghanistan’s war veterans and to preserve their own power. On 1 March 2005 President Hamid Karzai appointed him Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief.

Akbar Bai Incident

On 2 February 2008, about 50 of Dostum’s fighters reportedly attacked Akbar Bai, a former ally of Dostum who had become his rival.[26][27][28][29] In this attack, which occurred at Bai’s home, Bai, his son, and a bodyguard were said to have been beaten, and another bodyguard was said to have been shot. Early on 3 February, Dostum’s house was surrounded by police. Bai and the three others were freed and hospitalized. According to the authorities, the stand-off at Dostum’s home between his fighters and the police ended with Dostum’s agreement to cooperate with the authorities in an investigation of the incident.[31] Radio Free Europe reported on 6 February 2008 that Afghan Attorney-General Abdul Jabar Sabit said charges against Dostum were pending., Sabit said that the political and security situation would make it difficult to prosecute Dostum. The charges, according to Sabit, included kidnapping, breaking and entering, and assault. They were dropped by mutual consent and Dostum was reinstated by President Karzai.

“These are not political accusations — it is a criminal case … Anyone who commits a criminal act must be brought to justice,” Sabit says. But in reality, I must admit that there will be some difficulties. In this war situation, in many cases, it is difficult for us to implement the law … seven or eight [northern provinces could slide into civil war] if anyone touches even one hair on Dostum’s head.

According to a spokesman for the United National Front of Afghanistan, Sayed Hussain Sancharaki says that General Dostum has a high profile among his people and is one of the famous political and military figures of Afghanistan. He is Karzai’s chief of staff for the armed forces and he is a senior member of the United Front of Afghanistan. It is natural that any kind of action against him will have repercussions. The consequences will be very dangerous—catastrophic—for the stability of Afghanistan.”

Human Rights Watch spokesmen Sam Zia-Zarifi, called the charges a sign of Afghanistan’s “growing balkanization”. He asserted that the size of warlords private armies was increasing, fueled by illicit profits from Afghanistan’s Opium trade.

On 19 February, it was announced that Sabit had suspended Dostum from his position as Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief after he failed to appear when summoned for the investigation. According to Dostum, this was “not in line with the law”, and he said that he would request Karzai’s intervention. Three allies of Dostum—Latif Pedram and two members of parliament—were also summoned for the investigation.

Time in Turkey

Some media reports beginning 4 December said that Dostum was “seeking political asylum” in Turkey  while others said he was exiled. One Turkish media outlet said Dostum was visiting after flying there with Turkey’s Foreign Minister Ali Babacan during a meeting of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

Like most rumors spread about Dostum, it turned out to much less dramatic: Dostum was visiting his Ankara-based wife and children during the holiday of Eid.[citation needed] He continues to maintain strong ties with Turkey.

Political and social views

In most ethnic-Uzbek dominated areas in which Dostum has control or influence, he encourages women to live and work freely, as well as encouraging music, sports and allowing for freedom of religion.[citation needed] While Dostum was ruling northern Afghanistan before the Taliban takeover in 1998, women were able to go about unveiled, alcohol was sold freely, and the cinemas showed Indian films.

He views the NATO attempt to crush the Taliban as ineffective and has gone on record saying that he could mop up the Taliban “in six months”, if allowed to raise a 10,000 strong army of Afghan veterans. Senior Afghan government officials do not trust Dostum as they show great concern that Dostum is covertly rearming his forces.

Return to Afghanistan

Late at night on 16 August 2009, Dostum made a requested return from exile to Kabul to support President Hamid Karzai in his bid for re-election. The next day, the last day of campaigning, he flew by helicopter to his northern stronghold of Sheberghan, where he was greeted by 20,000 supporters in the local stadium. He subsequently made overtures to the United States, promising he could “destroy the Taliban and al Qaeda” if supported by the U.S., saying that “the U.S. needs strong friends like Dostum.”

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Source:

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Haji Mohamamd Mohaqiq http://www.khaama.com/haji-mohamamd-mohaqiq http://www.khaama.com/haji-mohamamd-mohaqiq#comments Fri, 24 Sep 2010 00:34:52 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=740 Haji Mohamamd Mohaqiq
Hajji Mohammad Mohaqiq is the founder and chairman of the People’s Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan. He took an active part in the war against the invading Soviet Union to Afghanistan in 1979. He was fighting the Soviet Army from the northern parts of the country in the Balkh Province. After the withdrawal of Soviet Read the full article...]]>
Haji Mohamamd Mohaqiq

Haji Mohamamd Mohaqiq

Hajji Mohammad Mohaqiq is the founder and chairman of the People’s Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan. He took an active part in the war against the invading Soviet Union to Afghanistan in 1979. He was fighting the Soviet Army from the northern parts of the country in the Balkh Province.

After the withdrawal of Soviet Union from Afghanistan in 1989, Ustad Mohaqiq was appointed as the Wahdat Party leader in the Northern Zone.

He is amongst the few Mujahideen leaders who never left the country. Even when Taliban controlled 95 per cent of Afghanistan’s soil, he was fighting against them in Dar-e Suf in Samangan Province and in Yakawlang and Panjab of Bamiyan Province.

After the fall of Taliban, he was elected as one of the five key members of the government under the Bonn Agreement in December 2001. He was appointed as the Vice-President and the Minister of Planning in the interim government of Afghanistan.

Ultimately, due to some differences between him and the Hamid Karzai (President) and Ashraf Ghani (former Finance Minister), he was ousted from the cabinet by Hamid Karzai.

Ustad Mohaqiq was a prominent Presidential candidate in the Presidential Election of 2004.[1] In some provinces like Kabul, Bamiyan, Daikundi, and even in Iran amongst the Afghan refugees over there, he got the majority of the votes. Finally, he came in third position after Hamid Karzai and Yunus Qanuni with 11.7 percent of the votes.

He is currently a Member of Parliament and the chairman of the People’s Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan.

Recently in the wake of Kuchi (Pashtun nomads) invasion to the Hazara villages in Behsud and Daimirdad of Wardak Province and the indifference of the Government and the international community to this tragic event, he went onto a hunger strike protesting peacefully and in a civilized manner against this invasion and negligence on the part of government, security agencies and the international community present in Afghanistan.

In July 2008 around 10,000 Hazara people came out on the Kabul streets in support of Ustad Mohaqiq and protested against the invasion of Kuchis and discrimination by the government.[2]

Finally with the decree of the President, Hamid Karzai, for a temporary removal of invading Kuchis from Hazara villages, and requests from various Mujahideen leaders and the people to end the hunger strike, Ustad Mohaqiq ended his 8-day hunger strike.

In January 2009 an article by Ahmad Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Mohaqiq on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan Presidential election.[1]

Mohaqiq was one of the most powerful supporters of president Hamid Karzai in 2009 election.

In 2010, Mohaqiq broke with Karzai and became an outspoken opponent of his policy of appeasement towards the Taliban insurgency: “The new political path that Karzai has chosen will not only destroy him, it will destroy the country. It’s a kind of suicide.”[3]

[edit] References

  1. ^ a b Ahmad Majidyar (2009-01). “Afghanistan’s Presidential Election”. American Enterprise Institute. Archived from the original on 2009-09-18. . “Mohaqiq is the chairman of Hezb-e Wahdat. He took an active part in the Afghan jihad against the Soviets and joined the Northern Alliance to fight the Taliban. He served as planning minister in Karzai’s cabinet, and his party recently joined the UNF. He contested the 2004 presidential election and came in third with 11.7 percent of the votes. He is said to run as an independent candidate.”
  2. ^
  3. ^ “Minority leaders leaving Karzai’s side over leader’s overtures to insurgents”

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Source: Wikipedia

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Amrullah Saleh http://www.khaama.com/amrullah-saleh http://www.khaama.com/amrullah-saleh#comments Thu, 23 Sep 2010 08:48:56 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=854 Amrullah Saleh
Amrullah Saleh or Amarullah Saleh (Persian: امرالله صالح) was the head of the Afghan National Directorate of Security. In 1997, at the age of 24, he was appointed by Ahmad Shah Massoud to lead the United Front’s (Northern Alliance) office in Dushanbe. After the fall of the Taliban regime, Saleh was appointed by President Hamid Read the full article...]]>
Amrullah Saleh

Amrullah Saleh

Amrullah Saleh or Amarullah Saleh (Persian: امرالله صالح) was the head of the Afghan National Directorate of Security. In 1997, at the age of 24, he was appointed by Ahmad Shah Massoud to lead the United Front’s (Northern Alliance) office in Dushanbe. After the fall of the Taliban regime, Saleh was appointed by President Hamid Karzai in early 2004 to lead the National Directorate of Security, succeeding Muhammad Arif Sarwari. He is an ethnic Tajik.

Biography

Saleh was born in the Panjshir Province of Afghanistan. He has worked for the United Front (Northern Alliance) under Ahmad Shah Massoud in the past. In 1997 he was appointed to lead Massoud’s Dushanbe office, where he served as an informal ambassador and coordinator of non-governmental organizations also handling contacts to the CIA. With the September 11, 2001 attacks against the United States and the beginning of the US-led war in Afghanistan, Saleh helped lead United Front intelligence in Afghanistan. The newly created Afghan interim government took over Afghanistan’s existing intelligence apparatus, the National Directorate of Security (NDS); while Sarwari became director, Saleh was appointed to head Department One, whose duties included liaison with foreign military, diplomatic, and intelligence organizations. Sarwari and Saleh reportedly had a falling out over the latter’s enthusiasm for greater reform, leading to Saleh’s assignment to a lesser post in late 2003. Sarwari was removed from his post as leader of the NDS in early 2004 amidst various criticism that he had, amongst other things, abused his powers, worked against the government, and that the NDS had committed human rights violations. Amrullah Saleh was appointed as Sarwari’s successor by President Hamid Karzai in 2004. In June 2010 Saleh resigned from his position.

National Directorate of Security

Saleh helped rebuild the Afghan intelligence service and was considered as someone in the Afghan government with a clear understanding of the security challenges facing the country.[1] The United States considered Saleh and former interior minister Hanif Atmar two of the most effective ministers in Karzai’s Cabinet.[1]

On June 6, 2010, Amrullah Saleh resigned from the NDS after a militant attack against the national peace jirga. (The attack was thwarted and none of the assembly participants was hurt.)[1] Interior minister Hanif Atmar resigned the same day as Saleh. A few days after the jirga, Karzai had summoned Hanif Atmar and Amrullah Saleh to discuss the attack against the Jirga. Both men officially resigned because of the failure to stop the attack on the jirga.[2][3][4] CNSNews writes: “Saleh told reporters he had submitted his resignation as general director of National Security because he had lost Karzai’s trust as a result of the attack. He said he and Atmar had briefed the president on the security preparations for the jirga, and the subsequent “success in … capturing the facilitators,” but Karzai had not been satisfied. He had therefore felt unable to continue in his post. He also said there were “tens” of reasons for leaving his position, but would not elaborate on others.”[5] The two men’s resignation/removal lead to widespread concerns among Afghanistan experts.[1] Their departure raised concerns about the direction in which the country is moving.[5] President Karzai’s national security adviser, Rangin Dadfar Spanta, was quoted as saying:

“With Amrullah Saleh, the Afghan people have lost a huge treasure of commitment, awareness and experience in this struggle against terrorism, Al Qaeda and the ISI. I can’t think of anyone who will be able to even slightly fill the vacuum that he leaves behind. Besides being a highly efficient chief at the N.D.S., he is a man of knowledge and research with an incredible memory and intellect. When he analyzed issues at international meetings, he exhibited tremendous ability at logical reasoning. He was head and shoulder above others. … I had many differences in arguments with him, but I always saw his presence at the N.D.S. as a huge advantage to this country and this government. Despite my high respects for the president’s decisions, I am extremely mournful about Saleh’s departure. Extremely mournful.”[6]

—Rangin Dadfar Spanta, June 2010

The Afghan media also extensively covered the resignations with the daily newspaper Hasht e Subh headlining an article: “Resignation of Atmar and Saleh: Accountability to the People or Tribute to Pakistan?”[7]

The resignation of Saleh and Atmar came amidst heavy disagreement between Hamid Karzai and Amrullah Saleh on how to proceed against the Taliban.[8] “I’m sure the disagreement between the two men and the president have been going on for awhile,” said Daoud Sultanzoi, a member of Parliament from Ghazni who is a businessman and is viewed as independent.[9] Saleh publicly blamed the Pakistani government and army for its support of the Taliban and other extremists groups.[9] Meanwhile Karzai has been moving closer to Pakistani suggestions. Pakistan had repeatedly urged Karzai to oust Saleh from his position.[9]

Amrullah Saleh said he considered Hamid Karzai a patriot. But he said the president was making a mistake if he planned to rely on Pakistani support.[9]

“They are weakening him under the disguise of respecting him. They will embrace a weak Afghan leader, but they will never respect him.”[10]

—Amrullah Saleh, June 2010

Current Activity

In 2010 Saleh launched a peaceful campaign to warn that Hamid Karzai had lost conviction in the fight against the Taliban and was “recklessly” pursuing a compromise. In speeches he criticized Karzai’s appeasement policy, which he called a “fatal mistake and a recipe for civil war”, endangering democracy and women’s rights.[11]

External links

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d Rodriguez, Alex; Cloud, David S. (2010-06-07). “Afghan interior minister, top security official resign”. Los Angeles Times. .
  2. ^ “Officials Resign in Afghanistan Over Attack by Militants”. Associated Press. The New York Times. 2010-06-06. . Retrieved 2010-06-06. [dead link]
  3. ^ “Afghan interior minister, top security official resign – They take the blame for the Taliban’s attack on a peace assembly organized last week by President Hamid Karzai”
  4. ^ “Afghan interior, intel chiefs replaced over attack”
  5. ^ a b “Removal of Two Key Afghan Officials Seen As A Blow to the West”. CNSNews. 2010. .
  6. ^ Afghan Media Criticize Security Officials’ Resignations
  7. ^ Mashal, Mujib (2010-06-14). “Afghan Media Criticize Security Officials’ Resignations”. New York Times. .
  8. ^ “Former Afghanistan Intelligence Chief Says He Quit Because of President Karzai’s ‘Soft’ Policy on Taliban, Says: ‘This Soft Behavior Makes the Enemy’s Intention Even Stronger and Makes the Confidence of Friends Shaky’”
  9. ^ a b c d Rubin, Alissa J. (2010-06-06). “Afghan Leader Forces Out Top 2 Security Officials”. New York Times. .
  10. ^ Karzai Is Said to Doubt West Can Defeat Taliban
  11. ^ “Minority leaders leaving Karzai’s side over leader’s overtures to insurgents”

References

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Source: Wikipedia

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Dr. Omar Zakhailwal http://www.khaama.com/dr-omar-zakhailwal http://www.khaama.com/dr-omar-zakhailwal#comments Wed, 15 Sep 2010 06:42:31 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=839 Dr. Omar Zakhailwal
Dr. Omar Zakhilwal (Pashto: ډاکتر عمر زاخيلوال ; born 1968), is an economist and a prominent politician in Afghanistan. He is the current Finance Minister as well as the Chief Economic Advisor to the President of Afghanistan. Early life Zakhilwal was born in 1968 in Badakhshan, Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun. In 1984, at Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Omar Zakhailwal

Mohammad Omar Zakhailwal

Dr. Omar Zakhilwal (Pashto: ډاکتر عمر زاخيلوال ; born 1968), is an economist and a prominent politician in Afghanistan. He is the current Finance Minister as well as the Chief Economic Advisor to the President of Afghanistan.

Early life

Zakhilwal was born in 1968 in Badakhshan, Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun. In 1984, at the age of 17, Zakhilwal along with his family fled his country among the Afghan refugees and settled in Peshawar, Pakistan.

Education and academics

Dr. Zakhilwal obtained his Bachelor’s degree in economics at the University of Winnipeg, in Manitoba, Canada. He then moved to Kingston, Ontario, where he earned a Master’s degree in economics at Queen’s University. Soon after that he found a job with Statistics Canada in Ottawa, where he completed a doctorate in economics at Carleton University. He graduated in 2001.[1]

Zakhilwal has published numerous articles and research papers on political, economic and social issues related to Afghanistan for some well known newspapers, magazines and journals such as the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Ottawa Citizen, Wahdat, Forum of Federation Quarterly, Human Rights Tribune, Al-Ehram, Afghan Post, Heela, Dawat, Mujahid Wolus, Afghan Mosaic, Afghan Mirror, and etc.[2] His work is in English, Pashto and Dari, and his articles are on the internet and can be accessed through any search engine.[3]

In Politics

Over the course of his stay in Afghanistan, Dr. Zakhilwal has been part of the two Loya Jirgas that elected the president for the Afghanistan Transitional Government (June 2002) and ratified Afghanistan’s Constitution (Dec 2003). served as an author of Afghanistan’s First National Human Development Report (released by UNDP in Feb 2005); and has been part of many other initiatives with respect to rural Development. He also worked as an Afghan counter-part to the North-South Institute-led “What Kind of Peace is Possible?” research project, examining the role of community led development in sustainable peace building, as well as working on a strategy for Counter-Narcotics Alternative Livelihood in Afghanistan. Moreover, he has done consulting work for the World Bank, UNDP, CIDA and other organizations.[3]

Dr. Omar Zakhilwal is the Minister of Finance as well as the Chief Economic Advisor to the President of Afghanistan. Prior to his current position, Dr. Zakhiwal served as the President of the Afghanistan Investment Support Agency (AISA), a member of the Supreme Council of Da Afghanistan Bank, Acting Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation, and the Chief Advisor to the Minister of Rural Development of Afghanistan.[1]

Since 2003, Dr. Zakhilwal has been part of many initiatives pertaining to economics and development issues in the country. He was the author of the first Afghanistan National Human Development Report, released by UNDP in February 2007. He also worked as an Afghan counterpart to the Ottawa based North-South community-led development project in sustainable peace building, as well as on a number of other development related initiatives. Moreover, he has done consulting work for the World Bank, UNDP, Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and other organizations.[1]

Work History

Zakhilwal’s Posts[1][2][2]
Chief Economic Advisor to the President of Afghanistan
Ministry of Finance Finance Minister
Afghanistan Cricket Board (ACB) Chairman
Afghanistan Investment Support Agency (AISA) President
Transport and Civil Aviation Acting Minister
Da Afghanistan Bank Member of the Supreme Council
Minister of Rural Development of Afghanistan The Chief Advisor
Government of Canada Senior Research Economist
Carleton University in Ottawa Professor of Economics
Board of Directors of Partnership Afghanistan Canada President

References

  1. ^ a b c d
  2. ^ a b c
  3. ^ a b

_________________________________________
Source: Wikipedia

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Sayed Mustafa Kazemi http://www.khaama.com/sayed-mustafa-kazemi http://www.khaama.com/sayed-mustafa-kazemi#comments Sun, 12 Sep 2010 07:49:00 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=736 Sayed Mustafa Kazemi
Sayed Mustafa Kazemi (c. 1962 – November 6, 2007) (سید مصطفی کاظمی ) from Parwan was a prominent Afghan politician. He was one of the leaders and the spokesmen for the opposition movement known as the United National Front. He was a former minister of commerce in the Afghan Transitional Government. Kazemi was amongst a Read the full article...]]>
Sayed Mustafa Kazemi

Sayed Mustafa Kazemi

Sayed Mustafa Kazemi (c. 1962 – November 6, 2007) (سید مصطفی کاظمی ) from Parwan was a prominent Afghan politician. He was one of the leaders and the spokesmen for the opposition movement known as the United National Front. He was a former minister of commerce in the Afghan Transitional Government. Kazemi was amongst a delegation of politicians and lawmakers killed in a suicide bomb attack in Baghlan, northern Afghanistan, on November 6, 2007

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Ahmad Shah Masoud http://www.khaama.com/ahmad-shah-masoud http://www.khaama.com/ahmad-shah-masoud#comments Sat, 11 Sep 2010 01:16:02 +0000 http://www.khushnood.org/?p=86 Ahmad Shah Masoud
Ahmad Shah Massoud was born 10.06.1332 (01.09.1953)[2] in Jangalak[3]/ Panjsher[5]as son of police commander Dost Mohammad Khan. At the age of five, he started grammar school at Bazarak and stayed there until second grade. Since his father was promoted to be police chief of Herat, he attended 3rd and 4th grade at the Mowaffaq School Read the full article...]]>
Ahmad Shah Masoud

Ahmad Shah Masoud

Ahmad Shah Massoud was born 10.06.1332 (01.09.1953)[2] in Jangalak[3]/ Panjsher[5]as son of police commander Dost Mohammad Khan. At the age of five, he started grammar school at Bazarak and stayed there until second grade. Since his father was promoted to be police chief of Herat, he attended 3rd and 4th grade at the Mowaffaq School in Herat. He also got religious education at the so-called “Masjed-e-Jame”[6] mosque in Herat. Later his father was moved to Kabul so he attended intermediate and senior grades at the Isteqlaal School in Kabul.

Since his childhood, he was considered exceedingly talented; from 10th grade on his school acknowledged his being a particularly gifted student.
His native tongue was Persian, but he was also fluent in French, Pashto, and Urdu. Furthermore, he had a good working knowledge of the Arabic language.
Massoud: “For me, North, South, Persian, Pashto is absolutely meaningless. In our home, we can talk in every language.“
He always inspired his peers with his love for culture and sports.
1346/47 (1967/68), the then 14 year old Massoud put together the first volleyball team in his home-village Jangalak. During summer breaks, he organized volleyball tournaments that were attended by youngsters from Jangalak and the neighbouring villages.

His humble, open-minded, and disciplined character made him not only popular but also a natural leader among his many friends.
Massoud[7]: “We lived in Karte Parwan, where I had some very good friends. We were about 50 to 60 people. At that time I was in 7th grade at the Lycée Isteqlaal[8], where I was in charge of the team.”

Massoud had many interests, which he could not spend any more time on later. His favourite sports were soccer, horse riding, swimming and Karate. He was also the dedicated coach for a soccer team, which was composed mostly of his friends from Karte Parwan.
Moreover, he was a passionate chess player and reader. Among his favourite literature in prose were books of travels and works about history. For lyrics, he favoured the writings of Mowlaanaa Jalaluddin-e Balkhi[9] Sanayi Ghaznawi, Bedil, and Hafiz.

Massoud: “I love Hafiz’ poems. I always read them. They change and inspire me. Music talks to the innermost feelings of a human being. Poetry and music have influence on every one.”

1351 (1972) he formed a mathematics course which was called “Aarian”, which met in the close vicinity of his domicile in Baharestan-e Jami – a part of Karte Parwan in Kabul. Not only had his classmates taken advantage of this course but all students who lived there.

Questioned, how his interest for politics came about, Massoud said[10]: “My father had many friends who knew a lot about what was going on in the political world. They came to our home and had many discussions about national and international politics. Therefore, it was only natural that I became interested. These discussions and disputes had an influence on my future. My first political activities began when I was in 9th grade at Isteqlaal. “

The Communist movement started their first riots in Kabul’s schools when Massoud was in 8th and 9th grade. Since his beliefs were different, he had some problems with classmates who supported the communist viewpoint. To actively oppose a movement the inexperienced Massoud had not many options, since most political movements at that time were indeed squabbling among each other but what they all had in common was that they were leftist. So he became aware of the Islamic movement.

1352 (1973) after passing the entrance examination for academic education, Massoud – according to his preferences – enrolled at Kabul Polytechnic Institute for Engineering and Architecture.

That year he also officially joined the „Hezb-e Jamiat-e Islami“(Jamiat-e Islami party) and were acquainted with Engineer Habib Rahman, who was at the forefront of the Islamic movement.

During the time of the Daoud[11] regime, which was considered to be too close to communism and therefore the Soviet Union, the first plans for an insurrection under the command of Habib Rahman and with Massoud’s participation were made. Those plans were exposed and Rahman was jailed for 6 months; Massoud fled Kabul. Hekmatyar, who commanded military activities of the Jamiat-e Islami at that time, was convinced that terrorism would be successful. He did not exclude planting bombs, acid attacks, and assassination of political enemies as a means to achieve their goals. Even then, Massoud voiced his dislike also of Islamic extremism, a concept, which some in the movement shared.

Massoud and Hekmatyar subsequently had vehement disputes since Massoud absolutely opposed terrorist activities. He saw in them just the destruction of the people he actually wanted to serve.

Ahmad Wali Massoud about his brother:[12] “He was in any case a Muslim. At the same time, he was moderate. What I want to say is that he was never an extremist, neither in his private nor political life. He believed that a modern moderate Islam could work in Afghanistan. He said that the extreme left or right failed in Afghanistan, since both had neglected the needs of the people. Therefore, we could not govern Afghanistan like any traditional Muslim country. “

In 1353 (1973/1974) the Hezb-e Jamiat ordered Hekmatyar to try another insurrection. It also failed and ended with hundreds of students put in jail.

Massoud was a diligent and determined student who nevertheless concentrated on his studies. His goal was to successfully complete his university education in order to serve his country and its people.

Being warned by his uncle, military commander Abdul-Razaq Khan, a high-ranking official in Daoud’s government, about his impending arrest, Massoud left the Polytechnic Institute an, together with Engineer Jaan Mohammad, went to Pakistan for the first time in 1353 (1974). After some time, Massoud was ordered to resume his political activities in Kabul. These activities, i.e. trying to win over the government forces for the cause, took him until 1354 (1974), when the first armed rebellion in Panjsher took place. The Hezb-e Jamiat, led by the then 22-year-old Massoud, was able to conquest the whole Panjsher – with some casualties – and disarm the government forces.

Hekmatyar had promised Massoud that as soon as some terrain outside Kabul had been conquered, the army would march out and a military coup d’état would happen. Massoud and his troops had been betrayed, though, since this information was wrong and therefore the resistance forces in Panjsher had to give up. Only a handful of men could escape. Massoud went back to Kabul after a month and from there he went to Peshawar in Pakistan where he had to lie low as well, since he was also observed by the Pakistani secret service.

After the failed insurrection, the party’s mood changed. Some members had backed the insurrection; others thought it had been a mistake since it was uncoordinated. Finally this dispute led to a split of the Jamiat into two groups. Those who opposed the insurrection – among them Massoud – stayed with Rabani. The others joined Hekmatyar.

The two groups sometimes became reconciled then drifted apart again, until they finally reunited and declared Qaazi Amin e Waqa‘ as leader of both groups. Hekmatyar disclosed all his enemies to the Pakistani government; he had them arrested and murdered. Eng. Jaan Mohammad was one of those who where among the betrayed. Hekmatyar and his Pakistani mentors, Kelo and Babor, also had Massoud, who stayed at Hekmatyar’s home at that time, arrested. When Massoud realized how dangerous the situation was, he threatened the Pakistani guards using two pistols he always carried with him and managed to get away; officially, he stayed in Pakistan until Zia Ullhaq seized power.

After these incidents, the Hezb-e Jamiat decided to act independently. Massoud was again sent into action in Kabul until the communist insurrection in 1357 (1978). His closest confidants only knew the fact that Massoud did not exclusively stay in Pakistan. According to one of his closest friends, he also spent some time in Afghanistan’s eastern provinces in order to escape the Kabul police’s attention.

Massoud went to Nooristan and other areas where the war had just started. He wanted to find out about the Afghans’ opinion regarding the war against the Communists. As soon as he was sure about their determination he departed with a group of 20 young men to Panjsher in 1358 (1979 – Soviet invasion in Afghanistan). In Konar, where their comrades had already begun resistance, they were welcomed heartily. Since Massoud’s men only were scarcely armed, they were given some weapons, which their comrades in Konar had captured, from the Soviet soldiers.
Still not sufficiently armed Massoud and his troop marched on to Panjsher, Massoud’s home. Eyewitnesses report that Massoud contacted all the elders of the villages in the region to gain information about the willingness of people to fight, the weapons they had and how many volunteers there were. For Massoud and his fight to free his country and people from tyranny, the inhabitants of Panjsher were determined to do everything.

Despite everyone, whether old or young, man or woman being convinced that armed resistance was necessary and being therefore ready to fight, Massoud made sure that it was not the sole breadwinner of a family who was called to duty. He told to those who had volunteered that providing for their families was also an essential part of the resistance. Their enemy was a superpower and those who were weak or required help had to be protected; especially one’s own family.

Again, an armed insurrection in Panjsher took place, this time under Massoud’s leadership. The fight lasted 40 days, during which the whole Panjsher, Salang, and Bola Ghain could be freed from enemy troops. After these 40 days Massoud`s leg was injured and the fighters had no more weapons and ammunition. Despite 600 relief fighters from Nooristan, who came to help them, the enemy finally defeated them. Massoud went back to Panjsher with “Kaakaa” (uncle) Tajuddin. On pondering the outcome of the fight, Massoud decided to opt for a new tactic, guerrilla war. Massoud became the world’s best guerrilla warrior.

Robert D. Kaplan wrote in his book “The Soldiers of God” 1991: “Ahmad Shah Massoud has to be considered one of the greatest leaders of guerrilla movements in the 20th century. He defeated his enemy just like Marshall Tito, Hu Chi Minh and Che Guevara did. Massoud controlled a bigger terrain that was much more difficult to defend militarily and was under constant attack from the enemy. His territory suffered much more attacks from enemy forces than those areas which were under the control of the resistance movements of Tito, Hu Chi Minh, or Guevara.”

From that time on Massoud’s name was inseparably connected with the Panjsher, he proved to be the greatest resistance fighter in history against the Red Army, since Massoud caused 60 % of all damages and casualties of the Red Army according to international observers. He became the “Lion of Panjsher” and ruined the reputation of the “Invincible Red Army” as it was called. Many people simply called him “Amer Sahib” (commander) to express their affection as well as their respect[13].

Sebastian Junger writes[14]: “I found it impossible not to listen to Massoud when he spoke, even though I didn’t understand a word. I watched everything he did, because I had the sense that somehow-in the way he poured his tea, in the way his hands carved the air as he talked – there was some secret to be learned.”

His military success and the love of his people caused a lot of hatred and envy in others; especially Gulbuddin Hekmatyar became Massouds most hostile enemy.

Every one of those enemies made attempts on his life and tried everything to reach and kill him. Soviet officials had offered money for his capture, but because of his well functioning intelligence service all these attempts were thwarted.

1358 (1979), when his leg was severely wounded, Massoud’s resistance fighters were sieged by government troops, but he managed a narrow escape.

1359 (1980), a young soldier took advantage of the darkness and shot at Massoud’s car from a 3m distance. Massoud told him: “Friend, your hands are trembling and you are not used to shoot Anyone,” and let the attacker go.

1361 (1983) Soviet special troops had blocked the way out of the mountain tunnel near Malaspa in Panjsher. However, Massoud and his men managed a breakthrough and could slip away without attracting the Soviets attention.

1361 / 1362 (1983 / 84) – the year of truce between Massoud and the Red Army – the Soviets tried to murder Massoud employing two different tactics:

First, they tried to lure him into one of their camps in Onaba – a part of Panjsher – with promises of talks and negotiations, and then have him arrested. A Tajik interpreter thwarted this try. The second strategy was to have him assassinated by his own men. The Russians had bribed a mujahid named Abdul-Qader Naachaar, who was in charge of the Muajhideen’s food. He was told to poison Massoud, but could be apprehended in time.

Dr. Najibullah, later President and at that time chief of the Afghan government’s intelligence service, tried to murder Massoud with the help of a former classmate, Kamran. Dr. Najibullah knew Massoud since his youth in Kabul, he also knew how friendly, complaisant Massoud was, and how unceremoniously he welcomed friends. Kamran then was captain of the Afghan national soccer team. He went to Panjsher and spent a few days together with Massoud. Kamran finally understood Massoud’s reason to fight and handed over the specially muffled weapon he was given by the Afghan government to carry out the planned assassination. Kamran then took refuge in Germany and asked for political asylum.

1368 (1989), after a meeting of the commanders of the Shoraa-ye Nezaar in Farkhar Hekmatyar’s Hezb-e Islami trapped the members of the Shoraa and and drew them into an ambush. Dozens of them were killed, among them several close friends and confidants of Massoud. Though Hekmatyar was able to stop the major offensive planned by the assembly, Massoud, who had been the main target of the ambush, could escape.

1372 (1993) when there was growing discord between him and Shoraa-ye Hamahangi, under the leadership of Hekmatyar, his helicopter was shot at by enemy jets (under the command of Shoraa-ye Hamahangi), but the helicopter’s pilot managed an emergency landing. After this attempt, Massoud decided to learn how to fly a helicopter. That same year he was ambushed in the region of Wazir Akbar Khan in Kabul and came under heavy fire, caused by Dostum’s militia.

1361 (1983), after two defeats of the whole Soviet military forces the then commander-in-chief of the Soviets agreed to negotiate with Massoud about a truce. Because of this move the Soviet Union officially recognized for the first time that the Mujaheddin[15], especially Massoud, were serious political opponents. The truce was considered by all experts to be one of the greatest triumphs of the Afghan resistance. It lasted one year.

Massoud made the most out of his success and was able to make a long journey around the northern regions of Afghanistan for the first time. This journey was very successful and therefore in winter 1362 (1984) Massoud was able to unite all resistance commanders, who were members of different parties, in a council, the so-called “Shoraa-ye-Nezaar” (Controlling Council). His goal was to build a united Afghan political strategy and united military forces that would not be guided by the parties, which were created in the neighbouring countries. The members of the Shoraa-ye-Nezaar fought for the common goal of a free Afghanistan.

Despite the fact that the Soviet attacks on Panjsher had resumed Massoud was convinced that Panjsher could offer resistance under the leadership of other commanders without his presence. He left the command of Panjsher to the former district attorney Abdul-Mahmood Daqiq. Furthermore, the regions Andaraab, Khost-e Fereng, Eshkamesh, Nahrin, and Keshm had been turned into strongholds by Massoud. They were now known as “Panj Sher” (Five Lions).

1366 (1987) the provinces Parwan and Kapisa could also be handed over to the command of Azimi, since Massoud had created an autonomous democratically structured administration, information and organisation system in those regions under his command. This was different from how the so-called “warlords” used to control their territory. It enabled Massoud to concentrate on the unification of all resistance forces, but his system also allowed the inhabitants of the different regions complete self-determination.

Massoud: “The future government should be formed through elections by the people. Men and women should take part. The only form of government, which can balance the different ethnicities, is democracy.”

Massoud had created an administration and legal system, which was unique in Afghanistan’s history. In the regions, he controlled the import and the use of any drugs or tobacco products – including cigarettes – were strictly forbidden. The prohibition was supported by the region’s inhabitants and lasted firstly until the entry into Kabul in 1992 and again from 1996 on until Massouds death. It also included the cultivation and manufacturing of these substances. The ban applied even to commanders and other high-ranking officials.

Massoud[16]: “Cigarettes have been banned since the beginning of the resistance against the Russians – for economic reasons. People smoke too much. The region spends too much money on cigarettes, and they don’t eat as much as they should.”

Eugen Sorg[17]:“In the areas you control, Opium is grown as well. We saw the fields in the villages.”

Massoud: “There are some cultures in Badakhshan province. Ismailites are living there, an islamic cult whose followers are addicted since centuries. They are planting drugs for their own use. But if you go to Chay Ab to the local jail, you will find Ghollam Salim there, a drug tycoon. In one raid we seized half a ton of Opium on his estate. Now he is in jail for the third year. Despite all his money and influence.”

1367 (1988), at the age of 35, Massoud married the daughter of his comrade Kaakaa Tajuddin. This fact was kept secret for security reasons. Even his longtime companions were not informed for several years.

Since Massoud did not want to tolerate the meddling of the Pakistani secret service ISI, he had to fight on different fronts. On one side, he had to put up resistance against the Soviet Union and the Afghan government, which depended on the Soviets, on the other side he had to fight Pakistan and their puppet Hekmatyar.

Massoud[18]: “Our policy was always to have good and friendly relations with everyone. But we never have accepted being oppressed and we will never accept it.”

In winter 1362 (1983/84), the communist Afghan regime brought about a trial “in absence”[19] in which Massoud was charged with high treason. The court found him guilty and sentenced him to Death. Even before their major attack on Panjsher, the government gave out information that “the court’s judgement had been executed,” meaning Massoud had been killed, and that “his group has been eradicated.” That strategy was meant to lower the morale among Massouds followers outside of Panjsher, especially in Kabul. It was also a tactic to outlaw Massoud.
Massoud anticipated that these actions would bring about heavy attacks on Panjsher.
After exhaustive conferences with representatives of every region of Panjsher, he decided that a total evacuation of Panjsher within a short time would be the best solution to avoid a massacre among the civilian population.
While in spring 1363 (1984) the Soviet Union planned their big attack on Panjsher. Therefore Massoud asked the inhabitants to evacuate the valley completely.
The people’s love for Massoud and their devotion to the resistance was infinite and therefore they were willing to make this enormous sacrifice for the cause. On Massoud‘s request up to 130.000 people, which was actually the whole civilian population of Panjsher, left their homes within two weeks. They left behind everything they had built up with great efforts during generations. It was not only one of the greatest sacrifices of the Afghan people but also passive resistance against the “almighty” Red Army and one of the reasons for the latter is defeat.

The Red Army was vanquished in Panjsher eight times between 1358 -1367 (1979 – 1988). The Soviet Union’s defeat was not only a defeat in Afghanistan, but led to the collapse of the Soviet system and was followed by the liberation of the Central Asian and Eastern European countries from Moscow’s control.

This caused international authors, e.g. Robert Kaplan in his book “Soldiers of God” to declare Massoud as the “Victor of the Cold War.”
Kaplan writes: “Until he is not forced to do so, Massoud does not decide to start battle. That was his strategy during the 14 years of resistance. With his victory over the Najibullah regime Massoud proved how much the planners and strategists of the American policy regarding Jihad[20] (generally) and the distribution of their help (to the parties involved) were wrong. Massoud’s genius and experience and the devoted support of his people enabled him to become the victor of the Cold War.” This also attributes the fall of the Berlin wall to Massoud.


After the last Soviet soldier had left Afghanistan on 25.11. 1368 (14.02.1989)[21], the”Shoraa-ye ?Aali-ye Farmaandehan-e Arshad-e Jahadi Afghanistan” (High Council of the Commanders of Islamic resistance forces of Afghanistan), which had been summoned by Massoud, met to decide on future proceedings in Afghanistan. This council took place on 17.07.1369 (09.10.1990) in Shah-Salim in the province of Badakhshan. From there Massoud went on a short, but at that time desicive journey to Pakistan to talk about the future government with the so-called “Shoraa-ye Rahbari” (Leading Council)[22], which had been formed to establish a new government in Afghanistan.

Despite being only scarcely equipped, never really sufficiently supplied on weapons and ammunition and of only limited financial means, he was able to win people’s hearts, to expand his radius of action, to inflict destructive blows on the communist regime until 1371 (1992) and finally free Kabul because of his moderate politics, which were not determined by fundamentalism. He succeeded in doing that without any help from the neighbouring countries. This was one reason why he became the “Hero of the Afghan resistance.”
In one of his last speeches as president Dr. Najibullah acknowledged that and declared that he would cede power to Massoud, although he was convinced that Massoud would not have a chance to build an efficient government, since Hekmatyar and the ISI would not allow that to happen.

In 1371 (1992) Massoud considered the Mujahedin forces to be unable to govern. However, after an exhaustive meeting of the Mujahedin leadership in Daalaan Sang / Panjsher he decided that the overthrow of the Kabul communist government was inevitable but should not be carried out immediately. Despite everyone agreeing with this plan, Hekmatyar objected and wanted to invade Kabul at once. In a recorded conversation[23], Massoud tried to convince Hekmatyar not to attack Kabul, since the government was ready to surrender, but Hekmatyar would not listen.
Before Massoud’s Mujahedin marched towards Kabul, he gave them distinct orders regarding their behaviour once they were in Kabul. He reminded them of their duties as protectors of Kabul’s population. It was especially important to him that his soldiers would treat people respectfully and that the Mujahedin would not be diverted from their tasks by living in Kabul.
After the last of the government’s positions in Bagram had been captured, Massoud’s troops marched into Kabul on late afternoon of 04.02.1371 (24.04.1992). This action had been forced; the attack was only conducted to prevent Hekmatyar’s men from entering the capital and cause danger for the population. The Hezb-e Islami followers could nevertheless enter the city. They broke up all prison doors, freeing even dangerous criminals. Ministries and their archives were pillaged; every file they could find was destroyed. Because of that, the new government was already in a bad starting position since important documents were missing.
In addition, there were now more than ten thousand heavily armed criminals in Kabul; the released prisoners had robbed the military depots. There was no army, no police, no intelligence service, not even intact buildings, and structures.
Dr. Najibullah, the former president, had asked for asylum in the Kabul UN office. Massoud had the building guarded by his own troops in order to prevent encroachments on Najibullah.

Friends of Massoud, who knew about his popularity among the population, asked him to form the new government and lead it himself. Although Kabul was surrounded by Massoud’s forces he handed over the responsibility to the political leaders and withdrew himself in order to give nobody reason to continue the war.
The leading council – before its arrival in Kabul – proclaimed Massoud president of the High Council of Commanders “Shoraa-ye Farmaandehan” and Defence Secretary via a radio message, on 05.02.1371 (25.04.1992). The new president, Mujadedi, and the cabinet, arrived in Kabul on 08.02.1371 (28.04.1992).
This represented not only a victory over the Soviet Union, but also over the secret service of Pakistan, the ISI. The Mujaheddin’s victory was a political defeat for the government of Pakistan, because it had always pinned its hopes on Hekmatyar and had supported him against Massoud.
This compelled Iran, Pakistan, and Uzbekistan to call for more power in the government for their respective party. With the interferences of these countries the war in Kabul started.
The respective governments exaggerated this war as “civil war,” in order to camouflage their interferences in Afghanistan. This had already been handled similarly by the Soviet Union.

Pakistan changed its tactics of influence and control with the help of different Arab states. The ISI created the Taliban[24] and equipped it with the entire power of the army of Pakistan. Exactly like the international terrorists, the troops of the Taliban were shifted over the border to Afghanistan into the southern provinces. The triangle of Taliban, Pakistan and international terrorists wanted to make Afghanistan a safe haven for their sinister machinations and just one man opposed them: Ahmad Shah Massoud. Even Bin Laden had to admit that and said that as long as this man alive was, no victory was possible.

Massoud’s family had also attracted the attention of the communist regime: his parent’s home had been seized and converted into a school. Now that Massoud was back in Kabul, he decided that the school should keep the house[25].
In 1372 (1993) Massoud created the “Bonyad-e Farhangi wa Ta’wani Mohammad-e Ghazali” (The cooperative Mohammad Ghazali culture foundation[26]). Massoud called all scientists, scholars, authors, and artists without consideration of their respective ideology to participate in this foundation. The commission for women made it possible for female Afghan artists – above all widows – to make a living through arts and crafts.
The department of family consultation was a free advisory board, which was accessible seven days a week for the indigent. The foundation’s department for distribution of auxiliary goods was the first partner of the Red Cross.
During the practice of their honorary activity two members died being hit by rockets of the Hezb-e Islami. The physicians of this foundation treated twice a week half-daily all those patients free of charge, who could not afford a physician‘s attendance. They also got the necessary medicines for a very small compensation or sometimes free of charge from the associated pharmacies.
After “Matbo’a ye Dawlatti” (the state publishing house) was burned down by Hezb-e Islami, all newspapers, magazines and weekly papers were printed by the printing-house of the Ghazali foundation. Massoud wanted to make sure that the freedom of press was ensured despite the difficult conditions. Although Massoud was responsible for the financing of the foundation, he did not interfere into its work. A council consisting of Gol Mohammd Yama, Dr. Mahdi, Haidari Wojoodi, Azizullah Ima, Engineer Said Yaqoob Nawid, Rahim Rafat and Sher Mohammad Khara in cooperation with the internationally well-known Afghan author Wasef Bakhtari led the foundation. The Ghazali foundation enabled Afghan artists to exhibit their works at different places in Kabul. Numerous artists and authors were honoured for their works; among others also Ustad Zabardast and Aziullah Ahmadi for best painting and Is’haaq Nangyaal for best poetry in Pashto.
Nangyaal was neither a proponent of Massoud nor the government. The jury however consisted of impartial university lecturers, who had made the quality of the works the center of their attention. That was exactly what Massoud wanted for the Afghan artists.

Establishing this foundation was one of Massoud’s most important achievements in the cultural field. He wanted cultural institutions to create a common ground for mutual understanding, far off from political ideologies.

The opponents of a sovereign Afghan government were now united in the “Shoraa ye Hamaahangi” (Council of Harmony), which had been forged by Iran, Pakistan and Uzbekistan. On 11.10.1372 (01.01.1993), they tried an insurrection against the new Afghan government. Massoud, then Afghan Secretary of Defence, could strike down this insurrection, which was supported by substantial military force.

Hekmatyar, on behalf of the government of Pakistan, wanted to proclaim a “Confederation Pakistan – Afghanistan” under guidance of Pakistan. Thus, Afghanistan would have become a part of Pakistan and its independence would have been lost. Hekmatyar fought for this goal trying everything he could. The Pakistani government assigned Hekmatyar to take the city Kabul under rocket bombardment. This vigorous military support and influence by Pakistan went so far that daily up to 3.000 rockets were shot on Kabul, ten thousands civilians were murdered, and the city was nearly completely destroyed.
Meanwhile there were still Massoud‘s innumerable conferences, negotiations, discussions and agreements with the diverse parties, groups and alliances, which were patched together by neighbour states depending upon those countries’ interests. Against so many enemies, who constantly brought up new points, like ethnical affiliation, language, race or regional special rights, but under the cloak of making their demands and claims to power against the government had only one goal in mind – the destabilization of the government – even Massoud was powerless. Still he did not give up his efforts to find a peaceful solution. Massoud’s opponents conducted great military offensives, massive missile attacks and hidden psycho terror against the civilian population. Hekmatyar, whose own representative was acting as Prime Minister in Kabul, blocked all roads to Kabul and thus cut off the city from any supplies. Such extortionate measures served his own position since he hoped for support from the population.
By officially blaming Massoud for their dirty war, Hekmatyar and his followers effectively achieved character assassination, which resulted in Massoud continuously losing support among the population. The population of Kabul was now besieged, starved out, bombed, had rockets fired at them and lived like in a cage full of armed criminals. In this chaos, Massoud was expected and demanded to be fully in control.
Massoud tried everything to get Hekmatyar not to shoot on the civilian population of the city but only on military positions. However, since Pakistan knew that Massoud was not to be defeated militarily, its government continued with its inhumane policy. One year later Hekmatyar made Massoud‘s resignation the condition for the end of the war. Massoud consented, which did not entail however under any circumstances an end of the attacks on the part of the Hezb-e Islami, Hekmatyar’s party.
After Massoud had resigned from the office of Secretary of Defence, he assumed the command of the armed forces against the invasion from the neighbour states. The efforts of Pakistan to destroy the troops of Massoud had failed.
Pakistan could win members of the different parties for her cause by bribery and promises, which equalled a character assassination of the entire Afghan resistance among the population. Since every armed person in Kabul was considered to be Massoud‘s follower and whatever he did was regarded as Massoud’s responsibility. Forgotten was the political affiliation of those who had been bought by the Pakistanis to different parties and leaders.

In spring 1373 (1994) a conference in three parts was arranged. In the first meeting representatives from 15 different Afghan provinces met, in the second meeting there were already 25 provinces participating. From 29.04.-03.05.1373 (20.07.-25.07.1994) the conference of the High Islamic Council “Shoraa ye Aali Islami” was held as closing round of these three meetings.

Massoud had united political and cultural personalities, governors, commanders, clergymen and representatives of the Mujaheddin in this council, in order to deliberate about the future president and his tasks and to reach a personnel agreement. Massoud, like most people in Afghanistan, saw this conference as a small hope for democracy and for free elections. His favourite for candidacy to the presidency was Dr. Yosuf, the first democratic Prime Minister under Zahir Shah, the former king. To avoid any influence on the council it was decided that acting President Prof. Rabani should not appear at the conference. Rabani did not stick to this decision and participated nevertheless in the conference.This led to the fact that the influence of the president and his fundamentalist followers grew to such a substantial extent that no decision about the future presidency could be reached.

Meanwhile the Taliban conquered and acquired one area after another, until they finally stood at the gates of Kabul. They also conquered the terrain of Hekmatyar, Pakistan’s former favourite. Although Massoud enjoyed a high reputation within the Leading Council and his negative attitude for Hekmatyars opinions was well known, he had to accept Hekmatyar‘s entry in Kabul silently, since there were a lot of fundamentalists within the government, which endorsed Hekmatyar‘s politics. These fundamentalists had invited Hekmatyar to Kabul, who otherwise had lost everything, so he could take over his office as Prime Minister, despite the fact that he had tried his utmost within the last years to destroy that very government. Therefore, Massoud had enemies within his own camp that he could not subdue.

At the beginning of 1375, (1996) Massoud went without company[27] to Maydan Shahr, Hekmatyar’s former stronghold, in order to induce the Taliban, which were represented by Mullah Rabani, to end the war. It was decided there, that the representatives of the Taliban should come to Kabul, to confer about the differences between the government and the Taliban and to find a possible solution. That happened and the decision was made those 40 representatives of the clergy, who should represent the government, should again meet with 40 representatives of the Taliban for further and more comprehensive consultation. The government expressed its readiness repeatedly, but without any reaction from the Taliban. Instead, they started their massive offensive against the government and against Kabul. The fact that Massoud had been able to leave their camp alive was very much regretted by the Taliban’s leadership. Mullah Rabani paid with his life for this lost opportunity to eliminate Massoud.

When on 04.07.1375 (26.09.1996) the city of Kabul came under solid bombardment from the Taliban, Al Qaida[28] and Pakistan, Massoud ordered the retreat of the entire armed forces from Kabul, although he would have militarily been able to hold the city by street fights for an infinite time. For the protection of the civilian population of Kabul however, he preferred a retreat to Panjsher.

Hekmatyar, who now had no more support from the ISI and who still was the official Prime Minister of the Afghan government, had no other option than to seek protection in Panjsher under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud. Massoud gave him, like all other ministers and government members, safe-conduct abroad. Hekmatyar flew to Iran and stated then, Massoud had intended to have him assassinated in Panjsher through a terrorist attack.
At a time where everyone friend or foe regarded that retreat as the irrevocable victory of the Taliban and the end of the Afghan resistance, that resistance started anew. When all other leaders already were abroad, the Afghan people, regardless of political, ethnical, ideological pr religious ties, fought for their freedom under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud.
When Massoud was asked by his brother Ahmad Wali in a telephone conversation to leave the country, something the political leadership insisted upon, he said: “Is it just that when we were in Kabul leading the country, when we had the people’s consent, we promised to protect them, to defend our independence and to take care of Afghanistan and its people and now that these people are in great danger we would leave them? Is this really justice? I do not think it is justified. I will stay in this country until my last breath and resist. I am convinced that, God willing, Afghanistan one day will be free.”

The five-year resistance under Massoud against the Taliban, Bin Laden and Pakistan was one of the most impressive fights of the Afghan history.
Massoud’s unparalleled skills in commanding an army, his tactical and strategical superiority, and his political ability earned him the nickname “Eagle of the Hindu Kush.”

In winter 1375 (1996) Massoud was in a position to unite all opponents of the Taliban under his guidance in the first so-called “Jab-e Nejaat-e Melli bara-ye Aazaadi Afghanistan” (Front of National Rescue for the liberation of Afghanistan) and “Jabh-e Motahed-e Melli” (National United Front). This union did not consist, as spread in the Pakistani media and later in the West, of a “Northern Alliance,” thus only the “northern states” of Afghanistan, but included resistance forces from all parts of the country. The best-known members of the United Front were:
From the Northern provinces were Haji Rahim, Commander Piram Qol, Haji Mohammad Mohaqeq, General Dostum, Qazi Kabir Marzban, Commander Ata Mohammad and General Malek. From the east were Haji Abdul Qadir, Commander Hazrat Ali, Commander Jaan Daad Khan and Abdullah Wahedi. From the northeast areas, Commander Qatrah and Commander Najmuddin participated. From the southern provinces, there were Commander Qari Baba, Noorzai, and Hotak. From the western and southwest provinces came General Ismail Khan, Doctor Ibrahim, and Fazlkarim Aimaq. From central Afghanistan Commander Anwari, Said Hussein Aalemi Balkhi, Said Mustafa Kazemi, Akbari, Mohammad Ali Jawed, Karim Khaili, Commander Sher Alam, and Professor Rassul Sayaf were members of this union.
Therefore, there never existed an alliance that was only composed of leaders coming from the north, which would justify the name “Northern Alliance.” By using such propaganda, the claim of the Afghan resistance to represent the whole of Afghanistan was questioned and discredited.

During all the years of resistance against the Soviet Union and later the Taliban and Al Qaeda, Massoud was well known for his benevolent treatment of prisoners. They were given the same food like the Mujahedin, were allowed to move freely within Panjsher and to see visitors as well as write and send letters.
Mullah Yar Mohammad, a Taliban leader, said after being released from imprisonment by Massoud’s troops: “Massoud really is the son of the Afghan nation. He already fought once and now again he fights a foreign invader.”

1376 (1997) Massoud summoned again a conference under his leadership to decide on the future Prime Minister. Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai, who was not affiliated with any party, was the candidate at that time and without dissenting votes was elected as new Prime Minister. The new official and his political program were introduced via TV in Balkh. His program was cordially received by wide sections of the population. After the failed conference in Herat 1373 (1993), this was again a first step towards a new popular government.
Massoud had the Afghan army equipped with newly acquired military uniforms and advanced after a few large offensive to the gates of Kabul. However, exactly at that time the new Prime Minister’s airplane crashed over Bamiyan. By Ghafoorzai‘s death, Massoud lost his hope for a stable government in Kabul.

After awhile Massoud withdrew his troops from the north of Kabul again to Panjsher, since he did not intend to march into Kabul this time without having formed a government before which would be acceptable for all especially for the civilian population.

After the retreat from Kabul and the following stream of refugees, which had multiplied the number of inhabitants in Panjsher, with the help of international organizations Massoud could build several schools in Panjsher, among them also some girlschools. His means were very scarce and the accommodation provisional, however this was his only possibility to ensure education for the children.

When Massoud spoke about international terrorism, Al Qaida and Bin Laden, almost nobody in the West could envision what that meant[29].

In the year 1377 (1998) Olivier Roy and Christoph De Ponfilly wrote in an essay: “Massoud never understood why CIA and Pentagon decided to support his enemy Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in the fight against him. Massoud always dreamed of a united and equal people in Afghanistan and also of free elections in this country.”

On the insistence of delegates who had the opportunity to meet Massoud, and who were convinced by his opinion and the proof for foreign interference, Massoud was invited by the European Parliament in April 2001 to come to Paris and draw attention to his fight in Afghanistan. For his long standing efforts – especially for womens’ rights – the president of the European Parliament, Nicole Fontaine, called Massoud the “pole of freedom”.

Roy & Ponfilly: “Ahmad Shah Massoud is, contrary to today’s political personalities, in no case on the search for a task to which he is not up to. It is correct that Massoud talks to those who visit him; he does however not do anything that would cause them to visit him. It is difficult to make Massoud talk to the media. He permits filming him since he has nothing to hide.”

Massoud appealed to all nations not to leave the Afghan people alone in their resistance, for if Afghanistan would lose against terrorism the whole world would lose. Only a few months later it turned out clearly that Massoud had been right.

Changiz Palewan: “Afghanistan is grateful for this resistance. The international community is grateful for this resistance. In fact, the whole region is grateful for this resistance. For centuries, there was no leader in the region, who brought unity. There was no one, not in Iran nor anywhere else. Afghanistan gave us this leader.”

Two foreign suicide assassins, who had camouflaged themselves as journalists murdered Ahmad Shah Masood on the 18.06.1380 (09.09.2001) in Khoaja Bahauddin in the Takhar province. On 24.06.1380 (15.09.2001), he was buried on the hill of Saricha in Panjsher. He himself had selected this place for his burial place before. Altogether, he spent 31 of 48 years of his life serving his country and his people and he knew that he would also lose his life in that service.

Sebastian Junger remarks”: Despite him not being able to see the defeat of the Taliban, his war is finally won.”

A wife and six children survive Massoud.

Posthumously the Afghan Interim Government under president Karzai awarded him the title of “Hero of the Afghan Nation.”

Reza: “Life is beautiful, my friend. I strongly believe this. One can kill a man, destroy his body, eradicate his flesh and blood, but not extinguish his thoughts.”


Farzana

www.afgha.com

[1] The name has different forms of spelling; all combinations are used from the following options: Ahmad / Ahmed / Akhmad / Achmad, Shah / Schah / Chah, Massoud / Massud / Massood / Mas’ud.

[2] According to the calendar “The Lion of Afghanistan“ published by the office of culture and education of the Shaid Ahmad Shah Massoud Foundation “Daftar-e Farhangi wa Amozeshi Bonyad-e Shahid Ahmad Shah Massoud“ for the year 1382 (2003/2004)

[3] Also, found in several different spellings like Jungalak.

[4] Also written as Panjshir.

[5] Also found written as “Jami.”

[6] From an extensive interview with authors Farzan and Ghiasi; published under the title “Marde Ostuwaar wa Omedwaar ba Ofoq haaye dur” ( A resolute man, hoping for far horizons)

[7] Comparable to Highschool; as first foreign language French was taught at that school.

[8] Also known as Mowlaanaa Jalaluddin-e Balkhi Rumi since he lived in Turkey for several years.

[9] From the interview with Farzan / Ghiasi.

[10] First president of Afghanistan 1351 – 1357, abolished the monarchy through an insurrection; he was the cousin of the then king Zahir Shah. His name also exists in various spellings as Dawood, Daood oder Dawud.

[11] From an interview with Brigitte Sommer, the full text can be found on www.afgha.com

[12] It should not be overlooked that this title had been invented by the people and was only later used by the media and by several authors.

[13] From an interview with an engl. newspaper.

[14] This is the plural of the word Mujahed: Also written as Mujahedin, Mujahideen, Mujahiddeen, Mudschahedin, Mudschaheddin, Mudschahidin, Mujahidin. The dictionary translates as follows: effort, exertion, struggle for faith, self- control, and castigation.

[15] From an interview with Pepe Escobar

[16] The complete interview was published in “Frankfurter Rundschau“ under the title “Das Vermächtnis des Löwen“

[17] From an interview with Payame Mujahid

[18] The trial was broadcast in Kabul evening TV. It was less a trial but more a sentencing with the outcome already decided.

[19] Written also as Jehad or Jahad; for its meaning see Mujahideen.

[20] To let the goodbye ceremonies for the Soviet soldiers happen in their full glory, the communist regime declared that the Islamic celebration after the Fasting Month of Ramadan, which was due the exact same day, had moved one day further.

[21] In this council, all seven groups, including Hezb-e Islami and Hezb-e Jamiat-e Islami, participated. It was decided that after a 3-month term of office by Mujadedi Prof. Rabani would take over the presidency and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar would become Prime Minister.

[22] The conversation was broadcast several times on Afghan TV.

[23] “Taleb” means a student who strives for Islamic religious education; the plural is “Taliban”; the terms are also written “Talib” and “Taliban.”

[24] In this school children from first to eighth grade were taught in two shifts; its name was “Maktab-e Ebteda’yi Amir Scher Ali Khan”.

[25] Mohammad Ghazali 450 – 505 (1058 – 1111), author, theologian, philosopher and Sufi; his most famous work is “Kimiya-ye Sa’adat” (The Elixir of Bliss).

[26] This was a request by the Taleban. Massoud agreed to it to demonstrate his peaceful and cooperative intentions.

[27] Al Qaeda is a terror network, founded by Osama bin Laden (also Usama bin Ladin). Al Qaeda means “the base”.

[28] In contrast to that, countries like Pakistan and the USA tried very hard to have Massoud surrender his weapons to the Taleban and cease resistance. Unlike the invasion by the Soviet Union, the Pakistani invasion was not even recognized in western media.

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Abdul Ali Mazari http://www.khaama.com/abdul-ali-mazari http://www.khaama.com/abdul-ali-mazari#comments Sat, 27 Feb 2010 05:08:16 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=276 Abdul Ali Mazari
Abdul Ali Mazari (1946 – March 1995) was a political leader of the Hezbe Wahdat during and following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.He belonged to the Hazara people. He said that the solution to the divisiveness in Afghanistan was in federalism, where every ethnic group would have specific constitutional rights. In his speeches he repeated Read the full article...]]>
Abdul Ali Mazari

Abdul Ali Mazari

Abdul Ali Mazari (1946 – March 1995) was a political leader of the Hezbe Wahdat during and following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.He belonged to the Hazara people. He said that the solution to the divisiveness in Afghanistan was in federalism, where every ethnic group would have specific constitutional rights.

In his speeches he repeated that his aim is to remove the discrimination against the Hazara’s because of biased policies of the central government and will strive to create a situation in Afghanistan where Hazara’s will be given access to justice and equality by the center.
Early life
An ethnic Hazara, Ustad Abdul Ali Mazari was born in the village of Charkent, south of the northern city of Mazari Sharif. Hence, his surname is “Mazari”. He began his primary schooling in theology at the local school in his village, then went to Mazari Sharif, then Qom in Iran, and then to Najaf in Iraq.

Political Life

In Iran, Mazari was imprisoned and tortured after being accused of conspiracy against the Shah of Iran in assistance with Iranian Shi’ite clerics.

Simultaneously with the occupation of Afghanistan by the Red Army, Abdul Ali Mazari returned to his birthplace and gained a prominent place in the anti-Soviet resistance movement. During the first years of the resistance, he lost his young brother, Mohammed Sultan, during a battle against the Soviet-backed forces. He soon lost his sister and other members of his family in the resistance. His uncle, Mohammad Ja’afar, and his son, Mohammad Afzal, were imprisoned and killed by the puppet regime in Kabul. He also lost his father, Haji Khudadad, and his brother, Haji Mohammad Nabi, in the rebellion and resistance movement.

Hizb e Wahdat
Abdul Ali Mazari was one of the founding members and the first leader of Hezbe Wahdat Islamic Afghanistan (Islamic Unity Party). In the first Congress of the party, he was elected leader of the Central Committee. During the second Congress, he was elected Secretary General of the Wahdat Party. Mazari’s initiative led to the creation of the Jonbesh-e Shamal (Northern Movement), in which the country’s most significant military forces joined ranks with the rebels, leading to a coup d’état and the eventual downfall of the regime in Kabul.

Civil War
The fall of Kabul to the Mujahideen marked the start of the Afghan Civil War between various factions, parties and ethnic groups. During this period, Mazari led the forces of Hizb e Wahdat who were based in West Kabul. More than twenty-six fierce battles were fought against Hizb e Wahdat by the forces of Shora-e-Nezar, Abdur Rasool Sayyaf and Taliban. Sometimes the relation of Mazari with the general Abdul Rashid Dostum was quite neutral, sometimes he was an ally, depending on the situation. The result was total destruction of Kabul city and the death of more than 50,000 civilians. More than 900 civilians were massacred in the Hazara dominated district of Afshar in Kabul and many more in Karte Seh by the invading forces of Ahmad Sha Masoud, and Abdur Rasool Sayyaf, assisted by traitors in Hizb e Wahdat.

The Massoud-Sayyaf triangle never considered Hazaras to be of significance in the Afghan government. This is what Mazari wanted: “We (Hazara people) must be an equal partner in this government and in its decision making processes. The Hazaras had been and have been targets of mass scale ethnic and religious persecution. They have never started any war, but defended themselves against the aggressions of Sayyaf-Taliban. The majority of the Hazaras are followers of the Shi’ite branch of Islam, in contrast to the overall majority of Sunnis in Afghanistan, regardless of ethnic group. It wasn’t until the battle for West Kabul that Hazaras came to global consideration as a potential power in Afghanistan – they have always been ignored in the past 200 years.

Taliban betrayal and death
Mullah Burjan, the Taliban leader, requested a personal meeting with Mazari. Mazari set off towards Chahar Asiyab in the company of a group of the Central Committee members in a convoy of two cars, whereupon they were betrayed, disarmed and arrested. His forces were disarmed, and soon the whole of West Kabul came under Taliban rule.

Mazari was tortured and later murdered by Taliban. They threw him out of a helicopter midair in Ghazni province, but later they claimed that Mazari and his companions tried to escape while being transferred in helicopters to Kandahar, the Taliban stronghold. His body was found in Ghazni.

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Masuma Esmati Wardak http://www.khaama.com/masuma-esmati-wardak http://www.khaama.com/masuma-esmati-wardak#comments Fri, 26 Feb 2010 09:55:27 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=872 Masuma Esmati Wardak
Masuma Esmati-Wardak is an Afghan writer and politician. In 1953 she graduated from Kabul Womens College, and received a degree in business in the United States in 1958. Between 1959-1964 she was the principle of Zarghuna High School in Kabul, and then was appointed as director-general of secondary education. In 1964 she became a member Read the full article...]]>
Masuma Esmati Wardak

Masuma Esmati-Wardak is an Afghan writer and politician. In 1953 she graduated from Kabul Womens College, and received a degree in business in the United States in 1958. Between 1959-1964 she was the principle of Zarghuna High School in Kabul, and then was appointed as director-general of secondary education. In 1964 she became a member of the Constitutional Advisory Committee that endorsed the progressive 1964 Afghan Constitution. In 1965 she was elected to represent Kandahar in the Lower House of Parliament, and became a leading advocate of women’s rights. In 1987 Masuma became president of the Afghan Woman’s Council. Under President Najibullah she served as Minister of Education. Masuma has written many books about women’s rights, in both Pashto and Dari concerning the contributions and efforts of Afghan women. Her book Women’s Contributions to Pashtu Oral Tradition was also translated into English.

______________________________
Source: Wikipedia

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Dr. Najibullah http://www.khaama.com/dr-najibullah http://www.khaama.com/dr-najibullah#comments Fri, 26 Feb 2010 05:28:37 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=378 Dr. Najibullah
Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai (Pashto: نجيب الله), originally just Najib, (August 6, 1947 – September 28, 1996) was the fourth and last President of the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He is also considered the second President of the Republic of Afghanistan. Early years Najibullah was born in August 1947 to the Ahmadzai sub-tribe of the Ghilzai Read the full article...]]>
Dr. Najibullah

Dr. Najibullah

Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai (Pashto: نجيب الله), originally just Najib, (August 6, 1947 – September 28, 1996) was the fourth and last President of the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He is also considered the second President of the Republic of Afghanistan.

Early years

Najibullah was born in August 1947 to the Ahmadzai sub-tribe of the Ghilzai Pashtun tribe. Though born in Kabul, his ancestral village was located between the towns of Said Karam and Gardēz in [[Paktia Province], this place is known as Mehlan. He was educated at Habibia High School and Kabul University, where he graduated with a doctor degree in medicine in 1975.

Political career

In 1965 Najibullah joined the Parcham faction of the Communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and in 1977 joined the Central Committee.

In 1978 the PDPA took power in Afghanistan, with Najibullah a member of the ruling Revolutionary Council. However, the Khalq faction of the PDPA gained supremacy over his own Parcham faction, and after a brief stint as ambassador in Iran, he was dismissed from government and went into exile in Europe.

He returned to Kabul after the Soviet intervention in 1979. In 1980, he was appointed the head of KHAD, the secret police. Under Najibullah’s control, it is claimed that KHAD arrested, tortured and executed tens of thousands of Afghans. It has been reported that Najibullah sometimes executed prisoners himself. In 1981 he was promoted to full membership in the Politburo.

Meanwhile, a change had taken place in Kabul. On May 4, 1986, under pressure from the Soviet Union, Babrak Karmal resigned as secretary general of the PDPA and was replaced by Dr. Najibullah. Karmal retained the presidency for a while, but power had shifted to Najibullah.

His selection by the Soviets was clearly related to his success in running KHAD more effectively than the rest of the DRA had been governed.

President of the Republic (November 1986 – April 1992)

In November 1986, Najibullah was elected president and a new constitution was adopted. Some of the innovations incorporated into the constitution were a multi-party political system, freedom of expression, and an Islamic legal system presided over by an independent judiciary.

However, all of these measures were largely outweighed by the broad powers of the president, who commanded a military and police apparatus under the control of the Homeland Party (Hizb-i Watan, as the PDPA became known in 1988). In September he set up the National Compromise Commission to contact counter-revolutionaries “in order to complete the Saur Revolution in its new phase”. Allegedly some 40,000 rebels were contacted.

In this way, Najibullah had stabilized his political position enough to begin matching Moscow‘s moves toward withdrawal. On July 20, 1987, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country was announced.

It was also during his Administration that the peak of the fighting came in 1985-86. The Soviet forces launched their largest and most effective assaults on the Mujahideen supply lines adjacent to Pakistan. Major campaigns had also forced the mujahedeen back to defensive positions near Herat and Kandahar.

Najibullah made an expanded reconciliation offer to the resistance in July 1987, including twenty seats in State (formerly Revolutionary) Council, twelve ministries and a possible prime ministership and Afghanistan’s status as an Islamic non-aligned state. Military, police, and security powers were not mentioned, and the offer still fell far short of what even the moderate mujahedeen parties would accept.

Najibullah then reorganized his government to face the mujahedeen alone. A new constitution took effect in November, 1987. The name of the country was reverted to the Republic of Afghanistan, the State Council was replaced by a National Assembly for which multiple parties could freely compete. Mohammad Hasan Sharq, a non-party politician, was named Prime Minister.

On June 7, 1988, President Najibullah addressed the UN General Assembly in request of support for a peace solution of the crisis in Afghanistan.

Soviet withdrawal and Civil War

With Afghanistan’s mujihadeen rejecting offers of reconciliation, Najibullah declared an emergency immediately after the Soviet departure. Prime Minister Sharq and the other non-party ministers were removed from the cabinet. The Soviet Union simultaneously provided a flood of military and economic supplies. Sufficient food and fuel were made available for the next two difficult winters.

Much of the military equipment belonging to Soviet units evacuating Eastern Europe was shipped to Afghanistan. Assured adequate supplies, the Afghan National Army Air Corps, which had developed tactics minimizing the threat from American-supplied Stinger missiles, now deterred mass attacks against the cities. Medium-range missiles, particularly the Scud, were successfully launched from Kabul in the defense of Jalalabad, 145 kilometres away.

Victory at Jalalabad dramatically revived the morale of the Kabul government. Its army proved able to fight effectively alongside the already hardened troops of the Soviet-trained special security forces. Defections decreased dramatically when it became apparent that the resistance was in disarray, with no capability for a quick victory.

Soviet support reached a value of $3 billion a year in 1990. Kabul had achieved a stalemate which exposed the mujahedeen weaknesses, political and military. Najibullah’s government survived for another four years. Divisions within his own ranks – including the defection of General Abdul Rashid Dostum – helped weaken the government’s resolve. Eventually, determined American support for the mujahedeen would prove decisive.

In March 1990 his government successfully withstood a Khalqi coup d’état, headed by Defense Minister Shahnawaz Tanai. According to Halimzai, a few months before the coup Mohammad Zahir Ofoq, the head of a small communist party, met with Shahnawaz Tanai to make a strategy for the coup. Halimzai says “When we were discussing how to take over the control, I told them that the coup will be unsuccessful unless we have control of departments like Media, Defence, Ministry of Foreign Affairs in our hand. I told them that I am not willing to bring about such change. I said that you both should be aware of the all circumstances. We can’t take over Kabul, and once we fail no power will stop Ashrar (Mujahedeen) to enter Kabul. Eventually they agreed and said that they will first create grounds for a coup afterwards will act. But they were actually planning the coup and just before the coup Mr. Ofoq went to India and after failing Mr. Tanai fled to Islamabad. And I was right, Dr. Najib’s regime became weaker and in March 1992, Ashrar were wandering in the streets of Kabul, who were now Mujahedeen.” Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was one of the main supporters of the coup.

Najibullah had been working on a compromise settlement to end the civil war with Ahmad Shah Massoud, brokered by the United Nations. However, talks broke down and the government fell, and by 1992 Najibullah agreed to step down in favor of a transitional government. He also announced that a bicameral parliament would be established “within a few months,” on the basis of “free and democratic elections.”

Downfall

The regime collapsed, as Kabul was short of fuel and food at the end of winter in 1992. Najibullah, on March 18, announced his willingness to resign in order to make way for a neutral interim government. On April 16, having lost internal control, was forced to resign by his own ruling party, following the capture of the strategically important Bagram air base and the nearby town of Charikar, by the Jamiat-e Islami guerrilla group.

Najibullah tried to meet Benon Sevan – director and senior political advisor to the UN Secretary-General‘s representative on the Afghan conflict at Kabul International Airport, but he was blocked by Abdul Rashid Dostum. On April 17, he sought sanctuary in the UN compound in Kabul. The newly created interim government of the Islamic State of Afghanistan left him unharmed.

Death

When the Taliban were about to enter Kabul Ahmad Shah Massoud offered Najibullah twice to flee Kabul. Najibullah refused believing the Taliban would spare his life. General Tokhi, who was with Dr. Najibullah until the day before his torture and murder, wrote that when three people came to both Dr. Najibullah and General Tokhi and asked them to come with them to flee Kabul, they rejected the offer after losing their trust in Ahmad Shah Massoud who knowingly fired rockets at the UN compound where Najibullah and Tokhi had taken refuge. This proved to be a fatal mistake. Tokhi was with Najibullah at the UN compound when he was taken away by the Taliban, beaten and brutally murdered. His blood-soaked body was hung in public in Aryana Square in Kabul, Afghanistan on September 26, 1996. His brother Shahpur Ahmadzai was also with him throughout this whole ordeal at the UN compound and was eventually executed along with him.

A high ranking member of the Taliban militia, Mullah Mohammad Rabbani, said Najibullah deserved his fate. “He killed so many Islamic people and was against Islam and his crimes were so obvious that it had to happen. He was a communist,” Rabbani said. They were buried at graveyard (Kabristan) of village Mehlan near Gardez.

International reaction

There was widespread international condemnation, particularly from the Muslim world.[4]

India, a close ally of Najibullah, strongly condemned the public execution of Najibullah and began to extensively support Ahmed Shah Massoud‘s Northern Alliance in an attempt to contain the rise of the Taliban.

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Source: Wikipedia

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Anahita Ratebzad http://www.khaama.com/anahita-ratebzad http://www.khaama.com/anahita-ratebzad#comments Thu, 25 Feb 2010 02:05:15 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=444 Anahita Ratebzad
Anahita Ratebzad (b. 1930) was a female Afghan Marxist and member of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan and the Revolutionary Council. Ratebzad was deputy head of state in the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) government from 1980 to 1986. She was the first Afghan woman to play an active role in government and Read the full article...]]>
Anahita Ratebzad

Anahita Ratebzad

Anahita Ratebzad (b. 1930) was a female Afghan Marxist and member of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan and the Revolutionary Council.

Ratebzad was deputy head of state in the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) government from 1980 to 1986. She was the first Afghan woman to play an active role in government and one of the few Afghan women to become a medical doctor. Born in Guldara in Kabul province, Ratebzad attended the Malalai Lycée in Kabul. She received a degree in nursing from the Chicago School of Nursing and an M.D. degree from Kabul University. She became involved in leftist politics and along with Khadija Ahrari, Masuma Esmati Wardak, and Roqia Abubakr became the first four women elected to parliament in 1965. A founder of the PDPA, she was active in the Parcham wing of that party. She served as ambassador to Belgrade (1978 – 1980), minister of social affairs (1978 – 1979), and minister of education (1979 – 1980). In 1986 President Najibullah replaced the Parcham government and Ratebzad fled to Moscow with her companion Babrak Karmal. They returned to Kabul in 1989, but were forced to flee to Moscow again in 1992 when the Najibullah government fell. After the fall of the Taliban government in 2001, they did not return to Kabul.

Ratebzad wrote the famous May 28, 1978 New Kabul Times editorial which declared: “Privileges which women, by right, must have are equal education, job security, health services, and free time to rear a healthy generation for building the future of the country … Educating and enlightening women is now the subject of close government attention.”

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Source: Wikipedia

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Mohamamd Hassan Sharq http://www.khaama.com/mohamamd-hassan-sharq http://www.khaama.com/mohamamd-hassan-sharq#comments Tue, 23 Feb 2010 01:56:39 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=437 Mohamamd Hassan Sharq
Mohammad Hasan Sharq born in 1925 was an Afghan politician during the communist regime of Afghanistan. Sharq became Prime Minister of the Soviet-backed government, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He was selected as a compromise candidate after the Loya Jirga ratified a new constitution in 1987. However, the power of his office was relatively small Read the full article...]]>
Mohamamd Hassan Sharq

Mohammad Hassan Sharq

Mohammad Hasan Sharq born in 1925 was an Afghan politician during the communist regime of Afghanistan. Sharq became Prime Minister of the Soviet-backed government, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.

He was selected as a compromise candidate after the Loya Jirga ratified a new constitution in 1987. However, the power of his office was relatively small compared with the ones of the Presidency.

Career

Sharq served as spokesman for earlier Prime Minister Mohammad Daoud Khan during the Kingdom of Afghanistan. When Daoud took over the Cabinet Posts of Prime Minister, Defense Minister and Foreign Minister, He appointed Sharq as his Deputy Prime Minister.[1]

In March 1986, Afghan foreign minister Abdul Wakil invited mujahideen leaders, former King Zahir Shah and ex-ministers from previous governments to join a government of national unity to rebuild the war-torn country.

The new parliament that convened on May 30, 1989, 2 weeks after the Geneva Accords became effective and the beginning of the Soviet troop withdrawal in 1989, consisted of 184 lower house deputies and 115 senators; 62 house and 82 senate seats were left vacant for the resistance “opposition.” As a compromise candidate, Sharq was selected by President Mohammad Najibullah to be the new prime minister, replacing Sultan Ali Keshtmand.[1]

The appointment was intended dramatically to reinforce the point that the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was going to take a back seat. However, the new constitution vested key powers in the Presidency, and President Najibullah did not give up that central role.

Sharq had served as the regime’s Deputy Prime Minister since June 1987 and before that as its Ambassador to India. In any event, Sharq’s association with the Parcham faction, dating back to the Daoud government, made the “non-PDPA” appellation meaningless. Likewise, on June 7, when Sharq announced his cabinet, consisting of 11 new members and 10 former ones, the non-party credentials of the “new” ministers were undermined by the fact that most had served the regime government previously in other capacities. Furthermore, the powerful ministries of interior, state security, and foreign affairs remained in PDPA hands.

The major exception was the effort to enlist a resistance commander or a respected retired general from an earlier era to become minister of defense. This post remained open for some time, but in August it was finally given to Army Chief of Staff General Shahnawaz Tanai of the Khalq faction.

Thus, almost 2 years after he announced the national reconciliation policy in January 1987, President Najibullah was unable to attract a single major figure of the resistance or prominent Afghan refugee to join the government. During 1988, two new provinces were created -Sar-e-pol in the north and Nuristan in the northeast- by carving out territory from adjoining provinces. In each case, the purpose appears to have been to create a new entity where an ethnic minority-the Hazaras and Nuristanis respectivelywould dominate.

This readjustment would guarantee representation in the new parliament for these ethnic groups. At the same time, the Sharq government has abolished the special ministry for nationalities that carries connotations of a Soviet-style system. On Febreary 1989, Sharq resigned from the government of President Najibullah, a move underscoring the failure thus far by Afghans to establish a government of national reconciliation.

A resident of the Anar Dara district in the western Farah province, Dr Hasan Sharq had been prime minister in the Dr Najeebullah government from 1986 to 1990. He also served as spokesman for the prime minister Daud Khan and his Milli Ghurzang Party
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Source: Wikipedia

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Babrak Karmal http://www.khaama.com/babrak-karmal http://www.khaama.com/babrak-karmal#comments Mon, 22 Feb 2010 05:40:35 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=382 Babrak Karmal
Babrak Karmal Babrak Karmal (6 January 1929 – 1 or 3 December 1996) was the third President of Afghanistan (1979–1986) during the period of the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He is the best known of the Marxist leadership. Having been restored to power with the support of the Soviet Union, he was unable to Read the full article...]]>
Babrak Karmal

Babrak Karmal

Babrak Karmal (6 January 1929 – 1 or 3 December 1996) was the third President of Afghanistan (1979–1986) during the period of the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He is the best known of the Marxist leadership.

Having been restored to power with the support of the Soviet Union, he was unable to consolidate his power and, in 1986, he was replaced by Dr. Mohammad Najibullah. He left Afghanistan for Moscow, where he died in 1996.

Early years

The son of a well-connected army general and governor (Muhammad Hussein Hashimi), although born into a wealthy family in the village of Kamari (east of Kabul), Babrak Karmal lived in hardship following the death of his mother.

He was an indifferent student in high school and in the law school of Kabul University, quickly gained a reputation as an orator and activist in the university’s student union in 1951. He became involved in Marxist political activities while a student at Kabul University, and was imprisoned for five years as a result.

In prison, Karmal was befriended by a fellow inmate, Mir Akbar Khyber. A third inmate, Mier Mohammad Siddiq Farhang, initiated both to pro-Moscow leftist views. After graduation he entered the Ministry of Planning, keeping in close touch with those who had special knowledge on communism, among them Mier Mohammad Siddiq Farhang and Ali Mohammad Zahma, a professor at Kabul University.

Political career

On 1 January 1965 the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was founded in Kabul, with Karmal serving as one of its twenty-eight founding members in its founding congress. Karmal was appointed its Secretary. As a result, he was elected and served in the quasi-democratic National Assembly of Afghanistan from 1965 until 1973 during the constitutional monarchy of King Zahir Shah. Karmal is known for his revolutionary and open speeches in the parliament against the ruling classes. In most of his parliamentary speeches, Karmal urged the people of Afghanistan to unite and stand up against the ruling classes and fight the status quo. Karmal and a few of his other comrades in the National Assembly, represented the only leftist group at the time.

In 1967, when the party split into the Khalq and the Parcham factions, Karmal became the leader of the more moderate Parcham faction. When Mohammed Daoud Khan overthrew the monarchy and instituted the Republic, Karmal was asked by President Daoud to share power with him. Karmal replied that he needed to consult his with comrades on this issue and inform Daoud later. However, he never returned and did not serve in Daoud’s government, though some of the people who did serve eventually assumed important positions in Karmal’s government.

The factions reunited in 1977, and in April 1978 seized control of Afghanistan through a military coup. Karmal was initially Deputy Prime Minister but, following the rise of the rival Khalq faction, he and other important members of the Parcham faction such as Mohammed Najibullah, Noor Ahmad Noor, Anahita Ratebzad, and Mahmood Baryalai, were essentially exiled by being appointed ambassadors to other countries, while others, such as Sultan Ali Keshtmand, were put in jail.

Note may be taken of the fact that Karmal and his Parcham faction, arguing that the country was not yet ready for the socialist transformation of society, opposed any move that would result in the seizure of state power by the PDPA and did not support the military coup that resulted in the overthrow of Daoud’s government. Keshtmand, one of the founding members of PDPA, emphasized this in 2002. Indeed, the initiative of the coup was taken by Hafizullah Amin himself without the knowledge of the top PDPA leadership. The “order” for the launching of the coup against the Daoud regime was delivered by Amin’s son to Amin’s military group in the army.

The PDPA attempted to modernize the country in line with socialist programs, but there was major unrest. In December 1979 the Soviets invaded Afghanistan and Soviet commandos killed the then leader Hafizullah Amin. The Soviets brought Karmal back to be President of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Babrak Karmal, exiled leader of the Parcham faction of the PDPA was installed by the Soviets as Afghanistan’s new head of government.

President of the Republic

In his first radio broadcasts (Listen to the radio broadcast at ) Karmal gave hopeful promises. He said that henceforth there would be no executions and that a new constitution would be drawn up providing for the democratic election of national and local assemblies. He also promised that political parties would function freely and that both personal property and individual freedom would be safeguarded. In particular, he stressed that soon a government representing a united national front would be set up and that it would not pursue socialism.

He managed to fulfill some of his promises: the release of some political prisoners; the promulgation of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan; the change of the red, Soviet-style banner of the Khalq period to the more orthodox one of black, red, and green; the granting of concessions to religious leaders; and the conditional restoration of confiscated property.

However, from the beginning, his government did not enjoy international support. The United Nations General Assembly voted by 104 to 18 with 18 abstentions for a resolution which “strongly deplored” the “recent armed intervention” in Afghanistan and called for the “total withdrawal of foreign troops” from the country.

There were also immediate problems within the party. Karmal was the chosen man of the Kremlin, and no one within the party could openly oppose him. No attempt was made to televise the process by which the official party and the Revolutionary Council elected him head of the party and of the state.

Karmal’s poor performance in interviews with foreign journalists also failed to help his public image. In the first and last televised interview of his life, held before a large number of foreign and Afghan journalists after he was raised to power, Karmal divided the journalists on the basis of the Cold War line distinguishing between the Western bloc and the socialist bloc countries.

Thus, the civil war in Afghanistan started. This was a different type of war, however, since it involved guerrilla warfare and a war of attrition between the PDPA-Communist controlled regime and the Mujahideen; it cost both sides a great deal. Many Afghans, perhaps as many as five million, or one-quarter of the country’s population, fled to Pakistan and Iran where they organized into guerrilla groups to strike Soviet and government forces inside Afghanistan.

Others remained in Afghanistan and also formed fighting groups. These various groups were supplied with funds to purchase arms, principally from the United States, Saudi Arabia, the People’s Republic of China, and Egypt.

Fall from power

The regime ruled only the city of Kabul, the provincial capitals, and those strategic areas where the Soviets and the Afghan Military had stationed military contingents and militia units. Despite high casualties on both sides, pressure continued to mount on the Soviet Union, especially after the United States brought in Stinger anti-aircraft missiles which severely reduced the effectiveness of Soviet air cover.

Moscow came to regard Karmal as a failure and blamed him for the problems. Years later, when Karmal’s inability to consolidate his government had become obvious, Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, said, “The main reason that there has been no national consolidation so far is that Comrade Karmal is hoping to continue sitting in Kabul with our help.”

Additionally, some Afghan troops who had fought for the Communist Government began to defect. In May 1986 he was replaced as party leader by Mohammad Najibullah. In November 1986, under increasing pressure from Moscow, he stepped down from the presidency, saying that he had heart trouble. Karmal then moved to Moscow, reportedly for medical treatment. He returned to Kabul in 1991 and then spent a few years in Hayratan (Afghanistan). He eventually died in Moscow in 1996.

Death

In early December 1996, Karmal died in Moscow’s Central Clinical Hospital from liver cancer. The date of his death was reported by some sources as 1 December and by others as December 3. On 5 December about 200 members of the Afghan community in Moscow attended a memorial service at the Hospital. Most of those in attendance had served in Karmal’s Afghan government.[

Karmal’s body was flown the following day from Moscow to Termez, a city in Uzbekistan that borders Afghanistan. From there it was carried in an ambulance via the “Friendship Bridge” to Hayratan, the border city on the Afghan side near Termez. Nearly a thousand people from different parts of Afghanistan and from different walks of life were waiting in a very long line to welcome Karmal’s body back to Afghanistan. His body was first taken to Hayratan General Hospital where it was put on display for hundreds of people who came to pay their last respects to the man who once was their President. Karmal’s body was buried in the Hayratan common graveyard beside the grave of his life-long comrade Imtiaz Hassan, who had earlier died in Moscow and was buried in the Hayratan Graveyard. Films of Karmal’s funeral and burial are available.

When the Taliban captured Hayratan for a second time in August 1998, Babrak Karmal’s body was exhumed from his grave but was soon re-buried in the same grave in presence of some residents (one of whom was a loyal member of Karmal’s Parcham faction of the PDPA) of Hayratan contrary to the false belief that his body was thrown into Amu Darya. After the Taliban re-buried Babrak Karmal, some of his comrades residing in Hayratan city went to his grave, opened it and made sure he was there, and then closed it again. Pictures are available.

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Source: Wikipedia

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Mohammad Daud Khan http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-daud-khan http://www.khaama.com/mohammad-daud-khan#comments Mon, 15 Feb 2010 06:07:17 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=387 Mohammad Daud Khan
Sardar Mohammad Daud Khan Mohammed Daoud (Daud) Khan or Muḥammad Dāwud Ḫān (July 18, 1909 – April 28, 1978) was an Afghan prince and politician in Afghanistan who overthrew the monarchy of his first cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and became the first President of Afghanistan from 1973 until his assassination in 1978 as a result Read the full article...]]>
Mohammad Daud Khan

Sardar Mohammad Daud Khan

Mohammed Daoud (Daud) Khan or Muammad Dāwud ān (July 18, 1909 – April 28, 1978) was an Afghan prince and politician in Afghanistan who overthrew the monarchy of his first cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and became the first President of Afghanistan from 1973 until his assassination in 1978 as a result of the Saur Revolution led by the Communist People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Daud was known for his progressive policies, especially in relation to the rights of women, for initiating two five-year modernization plans.

Early life

HRH Prince Mohammed Daoud (also spelled Daud) was born at Kabul, the eldest son of the diplomat HRH Prince Mohammed Aziz Khan (1877–1933) (an older half-brother of King Mohammed Nadir Shah). He lost his father to assassination in Berlin in 1933, while his father was serving as the Afghan Ambassador to Germany. He and his brother Naim Khan (1911–78) then came under the tutelage of their uncle HRH Prince Hashim Khan (1884–1953). Daud proved to be an apt student of politics. Educated in France, he served as the Governor of the Eastern Province from 1934–35 and in 1938–39, and was Governor of Kandahar from 1935–38.

In 1939, Daud was promoted to Lieutenant-General, and commander of the important Kabul Army Corps until 1946. From 1946–48, he served as Minister of Defence, then Minister of the Interior from 1949-1951. In 1948, he served as Ambassador to France. In 1951, he was promoted to General and served in that capacity as Commander of the Central Forces in Kabul from 1951–53.

Royal Prime Minister

He was appointed Prime Minister in September 1953 in an intra-family transfer of power that involved no violence. His ten-year tenure was noted for his foreign policy turn to the Soviet Union, the completion of the Helmand Valley project, which radically improved living conditions in southwestern Afghanistan, and tentative steps towards the emancipation of women.

By 1956, having been rebuffed by the US for both sales of arms and loans, and in view of the independence of the former parts of the British Empire in South Asia.

Daud supported a nationalistic and one-sided reunification of the Pashtun people with Afghanistan, but this would have involved taking a considerable amount of territory from the new nation of Pakistan and was in direct antagonism to an older plan of the 1950s whereby a confederation between the two countries was proposed. The move further worried the non-Pashtun populations of Afghanistan such as the minority Tajik and Uzbek who suspected Daud Khan’s intention was to increase the Pashtun’s disproportionate hold on political power. During that time, the Pashtuns (or Afghans) consisted roughly 35 – 42 percent of Afghanistan’s ethnic demographics but they represented over 80 percent of the government and held all important ministries, such as the Ministries of the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Economic Affairs, Defense and even most of the banks.

With the creation of an independent Pakistan, the Durand line conflict with the British colonialists was inherited by the two countries.

In 1961, as a result of Daoud’s antagonistic policies and support to militias in areas along the Durand Line, Pakistan closed its borders with Afghanistan causing an economic crisis and greater dependence on the USSR. The USSR became Afghanistan’s principal trading partner. Within a few months, the USSR had sent jet airplanes, tanks, heavy and light artillery for a heavily discounted price tag of $25 million.

In 1962, Daud sent troops across the international border into the Bajaur region of Pakistan in an attempt to manipulate events in that area and to press the Pashtunistan issue, but the Afghan military forces were routed by Pakistani military. During this period the propaganda war from Afghanistan, carried on by radio, was relentless.

The crisis was finally resolved with the forced resignation of Daud Khan in March 1963 and the re-opening of the border in May. Pakistan has continued to remain suspicious of Afghan intentions and Daud’s policy has left a negative impression in the eyes of many Tajik tribesmen who felt they were being disenfranchised for the sake of Pashtun Nationalism.

In 1964, King Zahir introduced a new constitution, for the first time excluding all members of the royal family from the council of ministers. Daud had already stepped down. As well as having been prime minister, Daoud had also held the portfolios of Minister of Defence and Minister of Planning until 1963.

President of the Republic

On July 17, 1973, Daoud seized power from his cousin (and brother-in-law) King Zahir in a bloodless coup. Departing from tradition, and for the first time in Afghan history, Daoud did not proclaim himself Shah, establishing instead a republic with himself as President.

In 1974, Daoud signed one of two economic packages that would enable Afghanistan to have a far more capable military because of increasing fears of lacking an up-to-date modern army when compared to the militaries of Iran and Pakistan. For every night for two years[dubiousdiscuss] Kabul International and Baghram Air Base received a great flow of Soviet advanced weapons to rapidly increase modernization of a Soviet-trained military.[citation needed]

Zahir Shah’s democratic constitution with elected organs and the separation of powers was replaced by a now largely nominated Loya Jirga. A new constitution backed by a Loya Jirga was promulgated in February 1977, but failed to satisfy all political factions.

In 1976, in a rift with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan, Daud sought to increase relations and trade with other Muslim countries and made a tentative agreement with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on a solution to the Pashtunistan problem. Internally, Daoud attempted to distance himself from the communist elements within the coup. These moves were highly criticized by Moscow, which feared that Afghanistan would soon become closer to the West, especially the United States; the Soviets had always feared that the United States could find a way to influence the government in Kabul.

Daud’s army and police suppressed a growing Islamic fundamentalist movement, whose leaders fled to Pakistan. There they were supported by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and encouraged to continue the fight against Daud.

A coup against Daud, which may have been planned before he took power, was repressed shortly after his seizure of power. In October 1973, Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal, a former prime minister and a highly respected former diplomat, died in prison at a time when Parchamis controlled the Ministry of Interior under circumstances corroborating the widespread belief that he had been tortured to death. One of the Army generals arrested under suspicion of this plot with Maiwandwal was Mohammed Asif Safi, who was later released and Daoud Khan personally apologized to him for the arrest.

Daud lessened the country’s dependence on the Soviet Union and went to Egypt, India, Saudi Arabia, and Iran for aid. Surprisingly, he did not renew the Pashtunistan agitation; relations with Pakistan improved thanks to interventions from the US and Iran.

The following year, he established his own political party, the National Revolutionary Party, which became the focus of all political activity. In January 1977, a loya jirga approved the constitution establishing a presidential, one-party system of government.

Diplomatic relations with the USSR

President Daud met Leonid Brezhnev on a state visit to Moscow from April 12 to 15, 1977. He had asked for a private meeting with the Soviet Premier, to discuss with him the increased pattern of Soviet actions in Afghanistan. In particular the intensified Soviet attempt to unite the two factions of the Afghan communist parties, Parcham and Khalq.

Brezhnev described Afghanistan’s non-alignment as important to the USSR and essential to the promotion of peace in Asia, but warned him about the presence of experts from NATO countries stationed in the northern parts of Afghanistan.

In 1977 President Daoud made plans that the Government in Kabul would no longer have any personal relationships with the Soviet Union and try to make Afghanistan closer to the West, especially with other oil rich Middle-East nations. Afghanistan signed a co-operative military treaty with Egypt and by 1977 the Afghan military and police force were being trained by Egyptian Armed forces. This angered the Soviet Union because Egypt took the same route in 1974 and distanced itself from the Soviets.

Communist coup and assassination

The April 19, 1978, funeral of Mir Akbar Khyber, the prominent Parchami ideologue who had been murdered, served as a rallying point for the Afghan communists. An estimated 1,000 to 3,000 persons gathered to hear the stirring speeches by PDPA leaders such as Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah Amin and Babrak Karmal.

Shocked by this demonstration of communist unity, Daoud ordered the arrest of the PDPA leaders, but he reacted too slowly. It took him a week to arrest Taraki, Karmal managed to escape to the USSR, and Amin was merely placed under house arrest. According to PDPA documents, Amin sent complete orders for the coup from his home while it was under armed guard using his family as messengers.

The army had been put on alert on April 26 because of a presumed “anti-Islamic” coup. On April 27, 1978, a coup d’état beginning with troop movements at the military base at Kabul International Airport, gained ground slowly over the next twenty-four hours as rebels battled units loyal to Daud Khan in and around the capital.

Daoud and most of his family were shot in the presidential palace the following day. His death was not publicly announced after the coup. Instead, the new government declared that President Daoud had “resigned for health reasons.” {In 1979 Taraki was killed by Amin, who, in turn, was killed by the KGB; Karmal died in 1996 of cancer in Moscow}.

On June 28, 2008, the body of President Daoud and those of his family were found in two separate mass graves in the Pul-e-Charkhi area, District 12 of Kabul city. Initial reports indicate that sixteen corpses were in one grave and twelve others were in the second. (Source: Azadi Radio/BBC News). On December 4, 2008, the Afghan Health Ministry announced that the body of Daoud had been identified on the basis of teeth moulds and a small golden Quran found near the body. The Quran was a present he had received from the king of Saudi Arabia. On March 17, 2009 Daoud was given a state funeral.
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Source: Wikipedia

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Sultan Ali Keshtmand http://www.khaama.com/sultan-ali-keshtmand http://www.khaama.com/sultan-ali-keshtmand#comments Mon, 15 Feb 2010 05:33:34 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=280 Sultan Ali Keshtmand
Sultan Ali Keshtmand Sultan Ali Keshtmand (born 1935) was an Afghan politician. He served twice as Prime Minister during the 1980s, from 1981 to 1988 and from 1989 to 1990 in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Early years Keshtmand was born in Kabul. He is a member of the minority Hazara ethnic group. He studied Read the full article...]]>
Sultan Ali Keshtmand

Sultan Ali Keshtmand

Sultan Ali Keshtmand (born 1935) was an Afghan politician. He served twice as Prime Minister during the 1980s, from 1981 to 1988 and from 1989 to 1990 in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.

Early years
Keshtmand was born in Kabul. He is a member of the minority Hazara ethnic group. He studied economics at Kabul University and became involved in the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan. He joined the Parcham Faction of that party, which was led by Babrak Karmal.

Role in politics
Immediately after the April 1978 coup d’état in which the People’s Democratic Party came to power, Keshtmand became the minister of planning in the newly formed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.
He lost that post in August 1978 when he was arrested for an alleged plot against President Nur Mohammad Taraki, a member of the rival Khalq faction of the party. The PDPA Politburo ordered the arrest of Keshtmand and Public Works Minister Muhammad Rafi’i for their part in the possible anti-regime conspiracy. He and inmates went through severe torture and long imprisonment. He remained in prison and was sentenced to death, but this decision was revoked and he was resentenced to 15 years in prison.
On December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, bringing Babrak Karmal and the Parcham faction to power. He was released from jail, and was once again joined the Politburo.
Friction among the People’s Party members rose in 1980 when Karmal removed Assadullah Sarwari from his position as first deputy prime minister and replaced him with Sultan Ali Keshtmand. Keshtmand, a Parchami, soon became one of the most important leaders of the regime. In June of 1981, Karmal retained his other offices, but resigned as prime minister and was succeeded by Keshtmand. A 21-member Supreme Defense Council headed by Mohammad Najibullah effectively assumed power.
The rise in the deficit greatly concerned the government, and as Prime Minister Keshtmand noted in April 1983, the tax collections were inadequate in view of the increased state spending. The security situation in the country, however, prevented the government from improving its tax collections.
In September, 1987, the Kabul government sponsored a large convocation of Hazaras from various parts of the country and offered them autonomy. In his speech to the group, Keshtmand said that the government was going to set up several new provinces in the Hazarajat that would be administered by the local inhabitants.

Rise to power and the fall
He served as Prime Minister from 1981 to 1988 and 1989 to 1990, and as vice-President from 1990 until 1991, when he was dismissed shortly before the fall of the government.
A mujaheddin radio station reports intra-Parcham (a faction of the PDPA) (P) clashes in Kabul between supporters of Najibullah and Keshtmand, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers.
Non-PDPA member Mohammed Hassan Sharq was selected by President Najibullah to be the new prime minister, replacing Keshtmand. This move was made in order to free spaces in the new government for nonparty candidates.
He then left Afghanistan, first moving to Russia and then to England. There he became an outspoken defender of the rights of Hazaras, claiming that the Pashtun majority in Afghanistan had had too much power in all of Afghanistan’s regimes.

Latest
In his recent book “Yad dashthaye Syaasi wa Rooyidadhaye Tarikhi” (Political Notes and Historical Events)” [Wikipedia:Citation needed| [Publication information needed] , Keshtmand has given an account of the rise and fall of the era in Afghanistan and his personal auto biography.
He has expressed his visit to Muslim Holy Places of Karbala and Najaf as “memorable and blessed” event in his life.

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King Amir Amanullah Khan http://www.khaama.com/king-amir-amanullah-khan http://www.khaama.com/king-amir-amanullah-khan#comments Wed, 03 Feb 2010 04:42:16 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=262 King Amir Amanullah Khan
Born. June 1, 1892, Paghman Died April 25, 1960, Zürich, Switzerland On February 20, 1919, Habibullah was assassinated on a hunting trip. He had not declared a succession, but left his third son, Amanullah, in charge in Kabul. Because Amanullah controlled both the national treasury and the army, he was well situated to seize power. Read the full article...]]>
King Amir Amanullah Khan

Amir Amanullah Khan

Born. June 1, 1892, Paghman Died April 25, 1960, Zürich, Switzerland

On February 20, 1919, Habibullah was assassinated on a hunting trip. He had not declared a succession, but left his third son, Amanullah, in charge in Kabul. Because Amanullah controlled both the national treasury and the army, he was well situated to seize power. Army support allowed Amanullah to suppress other claims and imprison those relatives who would not swear loyalty to him. Within a few months, the new amir had gained the allegiance of most tribal leaders and established control over the cities.

Amanullah’s ten years of reign initiated a period of dramatic change in Afghanistan in both foreign and domestic politics. Starting in May 1919 when he won complete independence in the month-long Third Anglo-Afghan War with Britain, Amanullah altered foreign policy in his new relations with external powers and transformed domestic politics with his social, political, and economic reforms. Although his reign ended abruptly, he achieved some notable successes, and his efforts failed as much due to the centripetal forces of tribal Afghanistan and the machinations of Russia and Britain as to any political folly on his part.

Amanullah came to power just as the entente between Russia and Britain broke down following the Russian Revolution of 1917. Once again Afghanistan provided a stage on which the great powers played out their schemes against one another. Amanullah attacked the British in May 1919 in two thrusts, taking them by surprise. Afghan forces achieved success in the early days of the war as Pashtun tribesmen on both sides of the border joined forces with them.

He was crowned in Kabul over the prior claims of his uncle Nasrullah, whom he denounced as a usurper and an accomplice in the murder of his father. King Amanullah (he assumed the title of king in 1926) was an ardent reformer and contemporary of like-minded rulers, Muhammad Reza in Iran and Kemal Ataturk in Turkey. He demanded a revision of the Anglo-Afgha agreements concluded by Amir Abdur Rahman which left Britain in charge of Afghanistan’s foreign relations in exchange for protection from unprovoked Russian aggression and a subsidy in money and military materiel.

The military skirmishes soon ended in a stalemate as the British recovered from their initial surprise. Britain virtually dictated the terms of the 1919 Rawalpindi Agreement, a temporary armistice that provided, somewhat ambiguously, for Afghan self-determination in foreign affairs. Before final negotiations were concluded in 1921, however, Afghanistan had already begun to establish its own foreign policy, including diplomatic relations with the new government in the Soviet Union in 1919. During the 1920s, Afghanistan established diplomatic relations with most major countries.

British reluctance to accept a change in the status quo led to Afghan armed attacks, culminating in the start of the third Anglo-Afghan war on May 3, 1919. Britain was war-weary and in no condition to wage war on the Indian frontier and, after lengthy negotiations in Rawalpindi, Mussoorie, and Kabul, peace was restored, leaving Afghanistan free and independent from British control .

King Amanullah became a national hero and turned his attention to reforming and modernizing his country. He established diplomatic and commercial relations with major European and Asian states, founded schools in which French, German, and English were the major languages of education, and promulgated a constitution which guaranteed the personal freedom and equal rights of all Afghans. He built a new capital, named Darulaman (Dar al-Amen – Abode of Peace), which include a monumental parliament and other government buildings as well as villas of prominent Afghans. Social reforms included a new dress code which permitted women in Kabul to go unveiled and encouraged officials to wear Western dress. Modernization proved costly for Afghanistan and was resented by the traditional elements of Afghan society.

In the 1920s, King Amanullah introduced new criminal and civil codes, including a 1921 family code that banned child marriage, required judicial permission before a man took more than one wife, and removed some family law questions from the jurisdiction of mullahs. His wife, Queen Soraya, opened the first girls’ school in Kabul.

His policy was to convert Afghanistan into a stable and prosperous kingdom on modern railway lines, and highway system, adapting the best of western practice, but cautiously, to Afghan conditions.

The second round of Anglo–Afghan negotiations for final peace were inconclusive. Both sides were prepared to agree on Afghan independence in foreign affairs, as provided for in the previous agreement. The two nations disagreed, however, on the issue that had plagued Anglo-Afghan relations for decades and would continue to cause friction for many more — authority over Pashtun tribes on both sides of the Durand Line. The British refused to concede Afghan control over the tribes on the British side of the line while the Afghans insisted on it. The Afghans regarded the 1921 agreement as only an informal one.

The rivalry of the great powers in the region might have remained subdued had it not been for the dramatic change in government in Moscow brought about by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. In their efforts to placate Muslims within their borders, the new Soviet leaders were eager to establish cordial relations with neighboring Muslim states. In the case of Afghanistan, the Soviets could achieve a dual purpose: by strengthening relations with the leadership in Kabul, they could also threaten Britain, which was one of the Western states supporting counterrevolution in the Soviet Union. In his attempts to unclench British control of Afghan foreign policy, Amanullah sent an emissary to Moscow in 1919; Lenin received the envoy warmly and responded by sending a Soviet representative to Kabul to offer aid to Amanullah’s government.

Throughout Amanullah’s reign, Soviet-Afghan relations fluctuated according Afghanistan’s value to the Soviet leadership at a given time; Afghanistan was either viewed as a tool for dealing with Soviet Muslim minorities or for threatening the British. Whereas the Soviets sought Amanullah’s assistance in suppressing anti-Bolshevik elements in Central Asia in return for help against the British, the Afghans were more interested in regaining lands across the Amu Darya lost to Russia in the nineteenth century. Afghan attempts to regain the oases of Merv and Panjdeh were easily subdued by the Soviet Red Army.

In May 1921, the Afghans and the Soviets signed a Treaty of Friendship, Afghanistan’s first international agreement since gaining full independence in 1919. The Soviets provided Amanullah with aid in the form of cash, technology, and military equipment. Despite this, Amanullah grew increasingly disillusioned with the Soviets, especially as he witnessed the widening oppression of his fellow Muslims across the border.

Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fear of an Afghan-Soviet friendship, especially with the introduction of a few Soviet planes into Afghanistan. British unease increased when Amanullah maintained contacts with Indian nationalists and gave them asylum in Kabul, and also when he sought to stir up unrest among the Pashtun tribes across the border. The British responded by refusing to address Amanullah as “Your Majesty,” and imposing restrictions on the transit of goods through India.

Amanullah’s domestic reforms were no less dramatic than his foreign policy initiatives, but those reforms could not match his achievement of complete, lasting independence. Mahmoud Beg Tarzi, Amanullah’s father-in-law, encouraged the monarch’s interest in social and political reform but urged that it be gradually built upon the basis of a strong army and central government, as had occurred in Turkey under Kemal Atatürk. Amanullah, however, was unwilling to put off implementing his changes.

Amanullah’s reforms touched on many areas of Afghan life. In 1921 he established an air force, albeit with only a few Soviet planes and pilots; Afghan personnel later received training in France, Italy, and Turkey. Although he came to power with army support, Amanullah alienated many army personnel by reducing both their pay and size of the forces and by altering recruiting patterns to prevent tribal leaders from controlling who joined the service. Amanullah’s Turkish advisers suggested the king retire the older officers, men who were set in their ways and might resist the formation of a more professional army. Amanullah’s minister of war, General Muhammad Nadir Khan, a member of the Musahiban branch of the royal family, opposed these changes, preferring instead to recognize tribal sensitivities. The king rejected Nadir Khan’s advice and an anti-Turkish faction took root in the army; in 1924 Nadir Khan left the government to become ambassador to France.

If fully enacted, Amanullah’s reforms would have totally transformed Afghanistan. Most of his proposals, however, died with his abdication. His transforming social and educational reforms included: adopting the solar calendar, requiring Western dress in parts of Kabul and elsewhere, discouraging the veiling and seclusion of women, abolishing slavery and forced labor, introducing secular education (for girls as well as boys); adult education classes and educating nomads. His economic reforms included restructuring, reorganizing, and rationalizing the entire tax structure, antismuggling and anticorruption campaigns, a livestock census for taxation purposes, the first budget (in 1922), implementing the metric system (which did not take hold), establishing the Bank-i-Melli (National Bank) in 1928, and introducing the afghani as the new unit of currency in 1923.

The political and judicial reforms Amanuallah proposed were equally radical for the time and included the creation of Afghanistan’s first constitution (in 1923), the guarantee of civil rights (first by decree and later constitutionally), national registration and identity cards for the citizenry, the establishment of a legislative assembly, a court system to enforce new secular penal, civil, and commercial codes, prohibition of blood money, and abolition of subsidies and privileges for tribal chiefs and the royal family.

Although sharia (Islamic law) was to be the residual source of law, it regained prominence after the Khost rebellion of 1923-24. Religious leaders, who had gained influence under Habibullah Khan, were unhappy with Amanullah’s extensive religious reforms.

Conventional wisdom holds that the tribal revolt that overthrew Amanullah grew out of opposition to his reform program, although those people most affected by his reforms were urban dwellers not universally opposed to his policies, rather than the tribes. Nevertheless, the king had managed to alienate religious leaders and army members.

The unraveling began, however, when Shinwari Pashtun tribesmen revolted in Jalalabad in November 1928. When tribal forces advanced on the capital, many of the king’s troops deserted. Amanullah faced another threat as well: in addition to the Pashtun tribes, forces led by a Tajik tribesman were moving toward Kabul from the north. In January 1929, Amanullah abdicated the throne to his oldest brother, Inayatullah, who ruled for only three days before escaping into exile in India. Amanullah’s efforts to recover power by leading a small, ill-equipped force toward Kabul failed. The deposed king crossed the border into India and went into exile in Italy.

He remained in exile in Switzerland until his death. He died in 1960, and was buried in Jalalabad, near his father’s tomb.

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Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani http://www.khaama.com/sayed-jamaluddin-afghani http://www.khaama.com/sayed-jamaluddin-afghani#comments Wed, 03 Feb 2010 04:21:03 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=521 Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani
Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani Sayed Jamaluddin Afghan known in Arab world as (Jamal al-Din al-afghani) is considered to be the founding father of Islamic modernism. He was born in 1838 in Kunar south of Kabul Afghanistan. At the age of eighteen, he traveled to India (1855/6) to continue his studies. During his stay in India until Read the full article...]]>
Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani

Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani

Sayed Jamaluddin Afghan known in Arab world as (Jamal al-Din al-afghani) is considered to be the founding father of Islamic modernism. He was born in 1838 in Kunar south of Kabul Afghanistan. At the age of eighteen, he traveled to India (1855/6) to continue his studies. During his stay in India until 1882, Sayed Jamaluddin became closely acquainted with the positivistic ideas of Sayed Ahmad Khan and wrote his famous The Truth about the Neichari Sect and an Explanation of the Necharis (Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan), first published in 1881 in Hyderabad, in rejection of S. A. Khan and his followers. The book was later translated by Muhammad ‘Abduh into Arabic and published as The Refutation of the Materialists (al-Radd ‘ala al-dahriyyin) in Beirut, 1886.

In 1870, he traveled to Egypt and Istanbul where he received a warm welcome from Ottoman officials and intellectuals who were instrumental in the creation of the Tanzimat reforms. Sayed Jamaluddin went to Egypt for the second time and stayed there for the next eight years (1871-9) during which time he began to spread his philosophical and political ideas through his classes and public lectures.

At the beginning of 1883, Sayed Jamaluddin spent a short time in London and then went to Paris. In Paris, Sayed Jamaluddin begun to publish his famous journal al-‘Urwat al-wuthqa’ (“The Firmest Robe” – a title taken from the Qur’an) with the close collaboration of his friend and student Muhammad ‘Abduh whom he had invited from Lebanon to Paris. Due to a number of difficulties, al-‘Urwah was discontinued in September 1884 after eighteen issues. Through his essays and especially his polemic against Ernest Renan, a French historian, philosopher and positivist, Sayed Jamaluddin established considerable fame for himself in the Parisian intellectual circles.

In 1886, he was invited by Shah Nasiruddin to Iran and offered the position of special adviser to the Shah, which he accepted. Sayed Jamaluddin, however, was critical of Shah’s policies on the question of political participation. This difference of opinion forced Sayed Jamaluddin to leave Iran for Russia (1886 to 1889). In 1889 on his way to Paris, Sayed Jamaluddin met Shah Nasiruddin in Munich and was offered the position of grand vizier. But Sayed Jamaluddin’s unabated criticisms of the rule and conduct of the Shah led to his eventual deportation from Iran in the winter of 1891. Sayed Jamaluddin was later implicated in the murder of Shah Nasiruddin in 1896.

Sayed Jamaluddin spent the last part of his life in Istanbul under the patronage and, later, surveillance of Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid II. The demands for Sayed Jamaluddin’s extradition by the Iranian officials for his alleged involvement in the assassination of Shah Nasiruddin were rejected by ‘Abd al-Hamid who, most probably, collaborated with Sayed Jamaluddin for the implementation of his political program of pan-Islamism or Islamic unity (ittihad-i islam). To this end, Sayed Jamaluddin sent a number of letters to various Islamic countries and leaders to mobilize and unite them against the British rule while at the same time trying to establish the foundations of a mutual rapprochement between the Sunnis and the Shias. According to some historians, ‘Abd al-Hamid grew suspicious of Sayed Jamaluddin’s meetings with some Arab leaders and the British officials in Istanbul and did not permit him to leave the country. Sayed Jamaluddin died of cancer in March 9, 1897 and was buried in Istanbul.

Afghanistan had dedicated many science and educational buildings to that of Sayed Jamaluddin, including the largest school in Kabul , The Sayed Jamaluddin Afghan School

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Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan http://www.khaama.com/wazir-mohammad-akbar-khan http://www.khaama.com/wazir-mohammad-akbar-khan#comments Mon, 01 Feb 2010 01:58:05 +0000 http://www.khaama.com/?p=441 Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan
Wazir Akbar Khan (Afghaans: وزير اکبر خان) ook wel bekend als Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan (Afghaans: وزير محمد اکبر خان) of Akbar Khan (Afghaans: اکبر خان) (Afghanistan, 1813 – 1845, Jalalabad, Nangarhar provincie, Afghanistan) was een zoon van de Afghaanse emir Dost Mohammed en een leider in de eerste Anglo-Afghaanse oorlog. Situatie In 1839 was Read the full article...]]>
Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan

Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan

Wazir Akbar Khan (Afghaans: وزير اکبر خان) ook wel bekend als Wazir Mohammad Akbar Khan (Afghaans: وزير محمد اکبر خان) of Akbar Khan (Afghaans: اکبر خان) (Afghanistan, 18131845, Jalalabad, Nangarhar provincie, Afghanistan) was een zoon van de Afghaanse emir Dost Mohammed en een leider in de eerste Anglo-Afghaanse oorlog.

Situatie

In 1839 was Mohammed Akbar met zijn vader en broers naar Boechara gevlucht, maar in het najaar van 1841 keerde hij terug naar Kaboel. Toen hij op 25 november aankwam, sloot hij zich aan bij de leiders van het verzet tegen de Britten. De Britten beloofden zich terug te trekken, maar leken daar later weer op terug te komen na interne onenigheid tussen de Afghanen. Op 23 december, tijdens een ontmoeting tussen de Afghaanse en Britse leiders, liet Mohammed Akbar de Britten vermoorden, op basis van zelf verdediging.

Nu vertrokken de Britten inderdaad, op 4 januari 1842 begon de mars naar Jalalabad. Hoewel een vrijgeleide was beloofd, werden de Britten zwaar aangevallen, en velen sneuvelden; of en in hoeverre Mohammed Akbar en de Afghaanse leiders hier de hand in hadden, is onbekend.

Shah Shuja, de Afghaanse koning die door de Britten weer op de troon was gezet, werd gedwongen hen nu tegen de Britten te leiden, maar nadat hij zijn schuilplaats had verlaten, werd hij door aanhangers van Mohammed Akbar gedood. Zijn zoon en opvolger Fath Jung stelde Mohammed Akbar aan als vizier. De Britten keerden echter terug, heroverden Kaboel, en zonden Fath Jang en diens opvolger Shahpur naar Brits Indië. Mohammed Akbar bleef achter als heerser.

De Britten lieten Dost Mohammed terugkeren, maar eerst zond deze een aantal broers van Mohammed Akbar – officieel om hem te helpen, in werkelijkheid waarschijnlijk ook om te controleren of deze wel bereid was de macht aan zijn vader over te dragen. Dit bleek het geval, en Dost Mohammed keerde terug als emir.

In de volgende jaren hadden vader en zoon onenigheid over de politiek ten opzichte van de Britten. Dost Mohammed stond een politiek van strikte neutraliteit voor, terwijl Mohammed Akbar een invasie in India bepleitte. In februari 1847 stierf Mohammed Akbar plotseling. Het gerucht deed de ronde dat zijn vader hem had laten vergiftigen.

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Source: Wikipedia

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